Categories
All About Guns Anti Civil Rights ideas & "Friends"

Judge Uses ‘Infancy Doctrine’ to Uphold Hawaii’s Under-21 Gun Ban by Ammoland Inc

Gun Store iStock-1472856584
A federal judge upheld Hawaii’s firearm ban for adults under 21 by treating Founding-era limits on minors entering contracts as a historical analogue for modern gun control. iStock-1472856584

A federal judge has upheld Hawaii’s sweeping gun ban for adults under 21 by treating Founding-era restrictions on minors entering contracts as evidence of a historical tradition of denying them access to firearms.

In a 43-page order, U.S. District Judge Jill A. Otake denied the plaintiffs’ motion for summary judgment, granted Hawaii Attorney General Anne Lopez’s counter-motion, and directed the clerk to enter judgment for the state and close the case.

The lawsuit was originally filed as Pinales v. Lopez but is now captioned Roache v. Lopez following the dismissal of plaintiff Elijah Pinales. The remaining plaintiffs are Juda Roache, the Second Amendment Foundation, and Hawaii gun dealers Aloha Strategics LLC and JGB Arms LLC.

AmmoLand previously covered the lawsuit when SAF challenged Hawaii’s prohibition on otherwise qualified adults between 18 and 20 acquiring firearms or ammunition.

Hawaii does not merely prevent federally licensed dealers from selling handguns to adults under 21. State law generally prevents them from acquiring any firearm through purchase, gift, inheritance, bequest, or almost any other means. It also broadly restricts their ability to acquire and possess ammunition, subject to narrow exceptions for activities including hunting and target shooting.

Roache is between 18 and 20 and would apply for a permit, purchase firearms and ammunition, and accept a firearm from his mother if Hawaii allowed it. The state did not allege that he was prohibited for any reason other than his age.

Court Admits Adults Under 21 Have Second Amendment Rights

The court rejected Hawaii’s preserved argument that adults under 21 fall outside “the people” protected by the Second Amendment.

“The Court is satisfied that 18- to 20-year-olds are part of ‘the people,’” Otake wrote.

The judge also acknowledged that Hawaii’s acquisition ban implicates the right to “keep” arms. The ability to possess a firearm does not mean much if the government can prevent a citizen from legally acquiring one.

That should have placed the burden squarely on Hawaii to identify a historical tradition supporting its law. The state could not point to a Founding-era statute that prohibited 18-to-20-year-olds from acquiring all firearms and ammunition. Instead, the court allowed Hawaii to use general contract law as a substitute for an actual firearm restriction.

Founding-Era Contract Law Becomes Gun Control

At the Founding, people under 21 were generally considered minors under the common-law “infancy doctrine.” Their contracts could usually be voided unless they involved necessities such as food, clothing, medicine, or education.

Because cash was limited, commerce often depended on credit, and children’s wages generally belonged to the head of the household, the court concluded that people under 21 were functionally unable to purchase firearms on their own.

From there, the judge determined that the infancy doctrine and Hawaii’s modern gun ban burden the right in a similar way and for a similar reason. Both, according to the court, reflected concerns about the judgment and maturity of people under 21.

That reasoning turns an old rule governing contracts generally into a historical firearm regulation. It also ignores the difference between a contract that could be voided and a modern criminal prohibition preventing an otherwise qualified adult from acquiring the means to defend himself.

The court further rejected the plaintiffs’ argument that today’s 18-to-20-year-olds are legal adults. According to the ruling, the contractual age of 21 at the Founding was not tied to a shifting general age of adulthood.

In other words, Hawaii may treat someone as an adult for most legal obligations while declaring him too immature to exercise an enumerated constitutional right.

Judge Discounts Armed Militia Service Beginning at 18

The plaintiffs also relied on the Militia Act of 1792, which enrolled able-bodied white male citizens beginning at age 18 and required them to appear armed.

That history has played a central role in other young-adult gun cases. In Reese v. ATF, the Fifth Circuit found that adults between 18 and 20 are part of “the people” and struck down the federal ban on FFL handgun sales to them.

The Hawaii court took the opposite view.

Otake reasoned that militia service was an obligation rather than proof of an individual right to acquire firearms outside militia service. She emphasized state militia laws that placed responsibility for supplying some young militiamen with weapons on their parents or guardians.

The ruling expressly found the Fifth Circuit’s reasoning in Reese less persuasive than decisions from the Fourth and Eleventh Circuits upholding other age-based restrictions.

That leaves the federal courts badly divided. Adults under 21 do not gain or lose their Second Amendment rights when they cross a circuit boundary, but the courts are increasingly treating them as if they do.

Later Pistol Laws Used to Uphold a Ban on Every Gun

The court encountered a bigger historical problem when it considered Roache’s desire to accept a firearm from his mother.

The judge acknowledged that the record contained no specific Founding-era evidence showing that parents were prohibited from giving firearms to their children. Militia laws requiring parents to provide arms could point in the opposite direction.

The court called the Founding-era record on family transfers “ambiguous.” But rather than hold that Hawaii failed to meet its burden, the judge invoked what the Ninth Circuit has called a “more nuanced approach” and placed greater weight on laws enacted during the second half of the 19th century.

Those later laws often prohibited selling, loaning, or giving pistols and other concealable weapons to people under 21. Some did not contain exceptions for parental gifts.

The court nevertheless acknowledged that Hawaii’s law is broader. Most of the cited historical restrictions concerned pistols and concealable weapons, while Hawaii bars adults under 21 from acquiring rifles, shotguns, handguns, and ammunition.

The judge bridged that gap by reasoning that modern rifles are more effective for violence than 19th-century muzzleloading long guns. The court then extracted a much broader supposed historical principle: government may restrict firearm acquisition by anyone under 21.

That is precisely where the ruling stretches Bruen beyond recognition. Historical analogues are supposed to test whether the government has traditionally possessed the authority it now claims. They are not raw material from which judges may manufacture broader regulatory powers that the historical laws never exercised.

Hawaii’s Ban Survives…For Now

The final ruling converts Founding-era contract law into gun control, discounts militia service beginning at 18, and uses later restrictions on concealable weapons to uphold a modern ban covering virtually every firearm.

The court admitted that adults under 21 are among “the people.” It admitted that acquiring a firearm is protected by the Second Amendment’s plain text. It admitted that the Founding-era record did not clearly support banning parental gifts. It also admitted that Hawaii’s law sweeps more broadly than the later historical restrictions.

Hawaii still won.

The Second Amendment does not establish a second-class form of citizenship for adults between 18 and 20. A right belonging to “the people” cannot be converted into a privilege withheld until the state decides a citizen is mature enough to exercise it.


About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says.

A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy.

Duncan is a regular contributor and editor-in-chief for AmmoLand News and is responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.

Categories
Anti Civil Rights ideas & "Friends" Gun Fearing Wussies

Anti Civil Rights ideas & “Friends”

One Foundation is Spending Millions to Fund a Robust Network of Gun-Control Organizations

Exposing the Gun Control Industry’s Financiers: The Joyce Foundation

NSSF launched a new campaign this year called Gun Rights Insights. The goal is to drag the big money donors that fuel the gun control campaign into the sunlight. No more hiding behind veils and in corporate boardroom ivory towers.

Gun Rights Insights pulls back the curtain to show that the gun control agenda is nothing more than an astroturf agenda living off the funding and the backing of a few billionaires and progressive activist foundations flooding the field with waves of cash, up to $400 million annually.

With this money, they buy influence, media airtime and followers who buy into the false narrative that surrendering God-given rights will make America safer while they surround themselves with armed security in gated compounds.

Gun Rights Insights previously exposed antigun billionaire Michael Bloomberg, George Soros and Hollywood A-list celebrities.

Allow Gun Rights Insights to introduce…The Joyce Foundation.

Who They Are

The Joyce Foundation, based in Chicago, was founded by Beatrice Joyce Kean in 1948, the heiress of an Iowa lumber executive. They now pitch the foundation as a “private, nonpartisan philanthropy that invests in public policies and strategies to advance racial equity and economic mobility for the next generation in the Great Lakes region.”

Founder Kean passed away in 1972, leaving 90 percent of her estate — or $120 million — to the foundation, according to InfluenceWatch, a watchdog group run by the Capital Research Center. Soon after, The Joyce Foundation shifted focus to include government policies. Notably, they target gun control with a board comprised of anti-gun activists.

Barack Obama
By Pete Souza, Public Domain

Chief of among those steering The Joyce Foundation’s work was President Barack Obama, who was on the foundation’s board of directors from 1994–2002, before he entered public life. President Obama espoused strict gun control, calling for a ban on modern sporting rifles, America’s most-popular selling centerfire rifle. He also demanded a national firearm registry through a universal background check scheme.

Valerie Jarrett was a former senior advisor to President Obama and is currently the CEO of the Obama Foundation. She’s a former board member of The Joyce Foundation.

Valerie Jarrett
By US Department of Labor – Valerie Jerrett, Public Domain

Today, other members of his White House still serve on The Joyce Foundation’s board. Margot Rogers, was the Chief of Staff to the Obama administration’s U.S. Department of Education Secretary Arne Duncan. Today, Rogers is The Joyce Foundation’s Chair of the Board. The Vice Chair of the Board is filled by Tracey Maeres, who was on President Obama’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing. Cecilia Munoz served eight years in the Obama administration, including five years leading the White House Domestic Policy Council. Today, Munoz is a board member for the Joyce Foundation.

What They Do

The Joyce Foundation’s role in propelling gun control is through funding research that is used to prop up gun control policies.

“Not only has it bankrolled research, but Joyce brags that it has been instrumental in launching major gun control groups,” The Gun Rights Insights video explains. “Some of the groups include the Violence Policy Center, a group that has faced criticism for misrepresenting facts and inflating numbers to further its position on gun crime. The Educational Fund to Stop Gun Violence, since merged into the Johns Hopkins University Bloomberg School of Public Health, which call for restrictions on your right to carry as well as government permits to purchase firearms.”

This is the same group, led by Josh Horwitz, that is the driving force to demand all firearms be equipped with unworkable microstamping technology, which is a really a slow-motion gun ban. But the Commerce Department’s National Institutes for Standards and Technology just told Congress there’s no evidence that the tech requirement would actually work.

The video continues, “The group also criticizes locking up violent criminals who abuse guns saying, ‘Policing and incarceration have been the primary means to address gun violence in underserved communities and often these systems have been ineffective and perpetuated or exacerbated racial inequities.’”

That’s not all. The Joyce Foundation has also funded The New Venture Fund, a dark-money organization that has spawned dozens of left-wing advocacy campaigns. That group has been sued by Nebraska’s Attorney General Mike Hilgers for allegedly funneling foreign money into political campaigns.

How They Do It

The Joyce Foundation’s investment in gun control isn’t small. They’ve dropped nearly $100 million into the effort. That’s a drop in the bucket compared to their $1.3 billion in assets at its disposal. In 2024, The Joyce Foundation grew by $85.7 million. While that sum is staggering to most who don’t live in Chicago’s Gold Coast and Lincoln Park, it is still overshadowed by 2021, when The Joyce Foundation reported $150.4 million in revenue and another $114.8 million in 2022.

But that Chicago isn’t the same Windy City everyone else knows.

“The Joyce Foundation’s home city of Chicago is a posterchild of how gun control fails,” the Gun Rights Insights video explains.

That’s because Chicago, and Illinois, have some of the most restrictive gun control laws in the nation. That hasn’t brought crime to a screeching halt. That’s only robbed law-abiding citizens of their ability to defend themselves against violent criminals.

And The Joyce Foundation is bankrolling it.

 

Categories
All About Guns Anti Civil Rights ideas & "Friends" Born again Cynic! Well I thought it was funny!

Reality sure can be a B*tch at times huh?

Categories
All About Guns Anti Civil Rights ideas & "Friends" Born again Cynic! California Gun Fearing Wussies

California Guts Its 3D Printer Gun Bill — On Purpose by TTAG News Contributor

California still wants to regulate 3D printers because people can use them to make firearms without the state’s blessing. Its vehicle is AB 2047, a bill originally designed to force printer makers to build in technology capable of detecting and blocking gun files.

But after a round of amendments, the bill has been substantially watered down. What started as a mandate is now more of a regulatory tripwire — one that may never actually be triggered.

From Mandate to Maybe

Introduced in February by Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (D-Orinda), AB 2047 originally would have required 3D printers sold or transferred in California to include state-approved “firearm blocking technology” — hardware or software designed to prevent the machine from printing files identified as firearms or firearm components.

The amended version doesn’t actually establish that standard.

Instead, beginning no later than July 1, 2027, the California Department of Justice would check quarterly to see whether ASTM International — the private standards organization involved in additive manufacturing, the industry’s term for 3D printing — has published standards for firearm-blocking technology.

If ASTM does, DOJ gets 24 months to develop guidance or regulations based on those standards. Per the bill, those rules would establish “minimum performance standards” necessary to safely, fairly and effectively implement the technology statewide.

And if ASTM hasn’t published anything by July 1, 2029?

The bill says DOJ “shall not be required to make any further determinations under this section.”

In other words, no ASTM standards, no California regulations under AB 2047.

At least for now.

Passing the Buck

The amended bill flips the original structure on its head.

Instead of California lawmakers deciding what firearm-blocking technology must do, they wait for an outside standards organization to establish the technical foundation. If that happens, DOJ gets to turn it into regulations.

Politically, that’s convenient.

Lawmakers get to vote for “doing something about ghost guns” without having to explain how the technology is actually supposed to work. If the eventual regulations are expensive, ineffective or technologically impossible, DOJ owns the details.

The legislators simply created the machine and walked away.

Legislating by handing the hard decisions to unelected regulators is an interesting move for a political class that spends so much time warning everyone about threats to democracy.

There’s Another Problem: Does This Technology Even Work?

That’s the bigger question hanging over AB 2047.

The blocking software envisioned by proposals like this would somehow have to recognize firearm-related geometry while allowing the countless ordinary objects that contain identical or similar shapes.

A printer doesn’t inherently know whether a particular hole, tube, spring, cavity or other geometry is destined to become part of a firearm, a household object, a prototype or something else entirely.

Even the federal Justice Department has gone looking to the 3D-printing industry for help with the problem.

Then there’s the First Amendment.

The California Senate’s own committee analysis raised questions about restricting what a printer can produce and the unsettled issue of whether computer code constitutes protected speech. California is already fighting on similar ground in its lawsuit involving websites that distribute 3D gun files.

The Electronic Frontier Foundation has also blasted the proposal, arguing that it would effectively build censorship into the printer itself.

That’s what makes AB 2047 more interesting than another California “ghost gun” bill. The state isn’t merely trying to regulate what someone manufactures. It’s attempting to regulate what a general-purpose machine is allowed to process.

The Clock Is Running

AB 2047 cleared the Assembly in May and has since moved through the Senate Judiciary and Public Safety committees.

It now faces the Senate floor — and a deadline.

The Legislature has until August 31 to pass bills this session. If the Senate approves AB 2047 without further amendments, it heads to Gov. Gavin Newsom. If senators change it again, it goes back to the Assembly for concurrence.

That doesn’t leave much time.

Then again, this is California and we’re talking about gun control. Finding time has rarely been the problem.

The Bottom Line

On its face, the amendments look like a win for 3D-printer manufacturers, hobbyists and anyone else who doesn’t particularly like the idea of government-approved software deciding what their machine is allowed to print.

But this isn’t a clean escape.

California hasn’t abandoned firearm-blocking technology. It has outsourced the trigger.

If ASTM never produces the standards, AB 2047 could amount to little more than bureaucratic homework. If ASTM does, however, California DOJ already has the legislative framework it needs to start turning those standards into rules.

The bill deserves to die, teeth filed down or not. A law that outsources its technical trigger to a private standards organization and leaves the actual requirements to regulators is questionable lawmaking before we even get to whether the underlying technology works.

But this is California, in the closing days of the legislative session, with a super majority that rarely lets a gun-control bill expire quietly.

The smart bet isn’t that AB 2047 dies.

It’s that California passes the framework now and waits for someone else to pull the trigger.

Categories
All About Guns Anti Civil Rights ideas & "Friends" COOL!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Ooooooh can I watch, pretty please !?!

Categories
All About Guns Anti Civil Rights ideas & "Friends" Paint me surprised by this You have to be kidding, right!?!

Connecticut gun dealers forced to suffer yet another no-sales day Legal action may be necessary, they say. Lee Williams

by Lee Williams

Saturday was supposed to be a big sales day for Lock N’ Load Firearms, which is located in Southington, Connecticut. The gun shop has two major sales each year, and Saturday was its “Customer Appreciation Day.” The store spent a lot on advertising the event and on party goods. Several vendors came out for the sale.

The fun ended around 11:40 a.m., when the state’s computer system went down, and it stayed down throughout most of the day.

Josh, who works at the gun shop, estimates they lost thousands of dollars.

“Guns aren’t $200 or $300 anymore. They cost $600 or $800,” he said. “To set up an event like that, all the advertising, and then to not be able to sell firearms definitely hurt us. But here, it happens all of the time.”

The State of Connecticut does not allow gun dealers to run their own NICS computer checks. It insists on running the checks for them, as well as a half-dozen other state checks.

Josh said the state’s computer shutdowns are becoming far too common.

“I don’t know how to hold the state accountable,” he said. “I hate to think that a lawsuit is the answer, but that’s where we are at. We can’t flip the state reps and senators to get more fair representation at the state capitol.”

Matt, who works at The Gun Store in Waterbury, Connecticut, said the state’s computer shutdowns have become “random but consistent.”

“You can expect to go down every couple of days,” Matt said. “It’s more than I’ve ever experience in the past 20 years. I’m not saying that the State of Connecticut is intentionally doing it, but it’s been consistent enough lately.

 

If only they used NICS and circumvented all the other six or seven checks they use. The problem is that the state legislature added all these checks. It’s created massive amounts of confusion.”

Common names, he said, like “John Smith” have become a serious issue for the state’s computer systems, which lack the clarity of a NICS Unique Personal Identification Number or UPIN, which gun owners can apply for.

“If they have a NICS UPIN, you find out quickly that it’s not the ‘John Smith’ wanted for murder in Idaho,” he said.

At Central Connecticut Arms in Portland, Connecticut, staffer Ronnie said the shop lost thousands of dollars.

“We couldn’t sell any firearms. It was not a very good day,” he said. “Some customers put their purchases on layaway, which helped.”

The state had another major shutdown just a few weeks ago, Ronnie said.

“We were down for three days. They don’t explain when it’s going to be back up,” he said. “We just sit around here hoping it will be back up soon. It’s a major pain in the ass, man.”

Holly Sullivan

Holly Sullivan is president of the Connecticut Citizens Defense League and serves on the board of the Citizens Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Arms.

She said there is growing speculation on whether the shutdown was an effort to prevent state residents from purchasing firearms.

“Unlike other states, FFLs are not allowed to use the NICS system themselves. The State of Connecticut acts as a middleman between the FFLs and the NICS system,” she said.

 

“The state does NICS and state-level checks. Usually, if there’s an IT issue, every FFL gets an email. None were sent on Saturday. This ‘breakdown’ was unusual. Generally, the state will say it’s an IT issue, but they didn’t do that this time.”

Hundreds of Connecticut gun shops were affected, she said.

“This is a symptom of a much larger problem,” she said. “The state wants to control us, but they’re not adequately doing their job. They don’t trust FFLs to do their job. People are denied their Constitutional rights. Let’s say if someone works offshore, it could be months before they get this opportunity again. And besides, Saturday at noon is prime time to buy guns!”

The state has an extreme anti-gun history, Sullivan explained.

“Attorney General William Tong—his hobby is being anti-gun,” she said. “Every legislative session, every anti-gun bill was proposed by Tong. And then he’d bring in his Mom’s Demand action crew. It’s an ongoing problem. Dealers lost a lot of money.”

Neither Connecticut Attorney General Tong nor Connecticut Department of Emergency Services and Public Protection commissioner Ronnell A. Higgins, whose office is responsible for conducting the background checks, returned calls seeking their comments for this story.

The Second Amendment Foundation’s Investigative Journalism Project wouldn’t be possible without you. Click here to make a tax-deductible donation to support pro-gun stories like this.

Categories
A Victory! All About Guns Anti Civil Rights ideas & "Friends" COOL!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Good News for a change! Hard Nosed Folks Both Good & Bad Interesting stuff Manly Stuff One Hell of a Good Fight Some Red Hot Gospel there! Stand & Deliver

Like It or Not, Trump Is Delivering on the Second Amendment by Scott Witner

Gun owners have plenty of reasons to be skeptical of politicians who suddenly discover the Second Amendment during election season. We’ve been through this before.

Campaign promises are easy. Following through is where things tend to get complicated.

That makes the second Trump administration worth looking at as a whole rather than judging it by whichever gun story happens to be dominating the news this week. There have been missteps, unresolved issues, and a few decisions that deserve criticism. But taken together, what the administration has done on the Second Amendment since returning to office represents a substantial shift in how the federal government approaches gun rights.

And arguably the biggest change isn’t coming from the White House itself.

It’s coming from the Department of Justice.

DOJ Is Actually Litigating for the Second Amendment

For decades, gun owners became accustomed to seeing the Justice Department on the opposite side of Second Amendment cases.

That’s what makes the creation of a dedicated Second Amendment Section within DOJ’s Civil Rights Division so significant.

The section isn’t merely advisory. DOJ says its mission includes investigating alleged patterns of Second Amendment violations by law enforcement, pursuing litigation, filing statements of interest, intervening in cases, and using amicus briefs to advance a broad interpretation of the right to keep and bear arms.

The federal government isn’t simply declining to defend a particular gun-control law. In several cases, it is actively suing state and local governments over restrictions DOJ believes violate the Second Amendment.

That includes challenges involving Los Angeles County’s handling of concealed carry permits, gun permitting practices in the U.S. Virgin Islands, Washington, D.C.’s ban on commonly owned semi-automatic rifles, Denver’s so-called “assault weapons” ban, Colorado’s magazine restrictions, California’s handgun roster and GLOCK restrictions, Virginia’s recently enacted semi-automatic rifle ban, and Montgomery County, Maryland’s expansive “sensitive place” restrictions.

The Denver rifle-ban lawsuit and Colorado magazine-ban lawsuit are particularly notable because DOJ isn’t dancing around the central issue. The government is arguing that commonly owned semi-automatic rifles and standard-capacity magazines are constitutionally protected arms.

That’s the kind of position gun-rights organizations have been arguing in court for years.

It Started With Trump’s Second Amendment Executive Order

On February 7, 2025, President Trump signed an executive order titled Protecting Second Amendment Rights, directing the Attorney General to review federal regulations, guidance, policies, international agreements, and other government actions that potentially infringed on the right to keep and bear arms.

That review included Biden-era firearms regulations and enforcement policies.

What could easily have become another symbolic executive order instead produced tangible changes throughout DOJ and ATF.

Among them was the end of the Biden administration’s so-called “zero tolerance” policy toward Federal Firearms Licensees.

The Department of Veterans Affairs also stopped reporting veterans to NICS as prohibited persons solely because they required fiduciary assistance managing their benefits.

Then there was the creation of DOJ’s Second Amendment Section itself.

Those aren’t campaign promises. They’re changes in federal policy.

ATF Has Been Moving in a Very Different Direction

ATF hasn’t exactly enjoyed a warm relationship with America’s gun owners.

That makes the agency’s current regulatory direction particularly interesting.

In April, DOJ and ATF announced a package containing 34 final and proposed rulemaking actions following the administration’s review of federal firearms regulations.

Some of the proposals are fairly technical. Others could have meaningful consequences for gun owners and FFLs.

ATF has moved to clarify the definition of an “unlawful user of or addicted to” a controlled substance, revise rules governing certain non-over-the-counter firearm transactions, and reconsider other regulations affecting dealers and gun owners.

Instead of searching for increasingly creative ways to expand existing statutory language, the agency is now publicly describing its regulatory work in terms of reducing unnecessary burdens and aligning regulations with current law and court precedent.

That’s quite a change from where ATF was only a few years ago.

The National Firearms Act remains one of the more complicated pieces of the administration’s Second Amendment record.

Congress eliminated the $200 tax on suppressors and short-barreled rifles, removing one of the NFA’s most recognizable burdens. Registration, however, remained.

That created an obvious legal problem.

If the tax that historically justified the NFA’s registration scheme disappears, what exactly is the constitutional basis for continuing to require registration?

That question is now being fought in court.

The administration has also taken positions suggesting suppressors receive at least some Second Amendment protection, an important development for challenges to state laws that ban them outright.

More recently, the government’s handling of the consolidated Silencer Shop v. ATF and Jensen v. ATF litigation has raised even bigger questions about whether DOJ intends to continue defending portions of the NFA registration regime.

TTAG covered the latest development when DOJ allowed the stay to expire, putting Silencer Shop’s NFA injunction into effect.

As of August 2026, that story is still developing.

What happens next could be one of the most consequential Second Amendment developments of Trump’s second term.

The Government Is Showing Up in Other Gun Cases, Too

DOJ’s direct lawsuits aren’t the entire story.

The federal government has also increasingly appeared as an amicus in major Second Amendment litigation.

That includes challenges involving so-called “assault weapon” and magazine bans, ammunition background checks, handgun rosters, and restrictions on where lawful gun owners may carry firearms.

The administration filed briefs in Wolford v. Lopez, for example, challenging Hawaii’s restrictions on carrying firearms on private property open to the public.

It has also participated in litigation involving California’s ammunition background-check system and Massachusetts’ handgun roster.

That matters because the Solicitor General and Justice Department carry institutional weight that another amicus brief from a gun-rights organization simply doesn’t.

It also creates something that has historically been missing from Second Amendment litigation: an executive branch willing to tell courts that state and local governments have gone too far.

There Are Still Reasons to Be Critical

None of this means gun owners should stop paying attention.

The administration’s record isn’t spotless.

DOJ has continued defending some federal gun laws, including portions of the NFA and the Gun-Free School Zones Act. Some of that is expected; the Justice Department ordinarily defends federal statutes. But gun owners aren’t obligated to pretend those positions suddenly become good policy because they’re being defended by a Republican administration.

There have also been questionable litigation decisions.

The government’s position on the scope of relief available to members of organizations involved in Second Amendment lawsuits created legitimate concerns about associational standing.

DOJ’s handling of Benson was another unforced error, with U.S. Attorney Jeanine Pirro’s office urging the D.C. Court of Appeals to rehear a favorable Second Amendment decision en banc.

Then there are the pardons that haven’t happened.

Gun-rights advocates have repeatedly raised the cases of individuals such as Patrick Adamiak and Matthew Hoover. Trump has demonstrated no reluctance to use his pardon and commutation authority elsewhere, making the lack of action in some firearms cases increasingly difficult for supporters to ignore.

There have also been comments from Trump and administration officials following high-profile shootings that haven’t exactly inspired confidence among gun owners.

Look at the Whole Scorecard

The mistake is judging the administration’s Second Amendment record based on one lawsuit, one comment, one ATF rule, or one disappointing decision.

Look at the entire scorecard.

The administration ordered a government-wide review of federal firearms policy. DOJ created a section of its Civil Rights Division specifically dedicated to enforcing the Second Amendment. The Justice Department is suing governments over rifle bans, magazine restrictions, handgun rosters, carry permit practices, and sensitive-place laws. The federal government is filing briefs supporting gun-rights challenges nationwide. ATF has reversed enforcement policies and begun unwinding or reconsidering regulations. Congress eliminated the NFA tax on suppressors and SBRs.

There are still significant fights ahead, particularly over the remaining NFA registration requirements and the administration’s willingness to challenge other federal gun laws.

There are also legitimate criticisms that shouldn’t be dismissed simply because the overall trajectory is favorable.

Gun owners have spent decades fighting against the institutional power of the federal government. For perhaps the first time in the modern Second Amendment era, at least part of that institutional machinery is being pointed in the opposite direction.

Categories
All About Guns Anti Civil Rights ideas & "Friends" Gun Fearing Wussies

A Quick Summary of Where the NFA Sits…Today

Categories
All About Guns Allies Anti Civil Rights ideas & "Friends" You have to be kidding, right!?!

Bill Maher (!?!) Shuts Down California Congressman’s Anti-Gun Argument

Categories
All About Guns Anti Civil Rights ideas & "Friends"

If the NFA Crumbles, What Happens Here in Washington?