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Canadian Criminologist: “Almost All of the U.S. is Safer than Toronto” From The NRA

Canada’s Liberal Prime Minister Mark Carney recently defended his government’s gun confiscation and “buyback” program, stating the government “has acted swiftly and decisively to combat gun crime” by removing “prohibited assault-style firearms from communities across Canada through the Assault Style Firearms Compensation Program” (a.k.a. the “buyback”).

“Swiftly” is not the most apt description for a program that has been dragging along since the “assault-style firearms” ban and confiscation law took effect immediately upon being unveiled by then-prime minister Justin Trudeau in May 2020. A new extension of the amnesty period for affected gun owners was announced last week (the fourth such extension so far), this one made necessary because the validity of the 2020 law is expected to be decided by the Supreme Court of Canada sometime next year. “Decisively” is another howling misnomer, given that licensed and police-vetted gun owners – the only ones eligible to participate in the “Assault-Style Firearms Compensation Program” – aren’t the individuals responsible for Canada’s criminal violence.

A “report card” on Canada’s criminal justice system, released in March by the nonpartisan Macdonald-Laurier Institute, confirms that the Liberals’ gun bans haven’t reduced crime. “Violent crime, violent crime severity, and property crime have continued to increase in most provinces and territories” over the last decade. Police clearance rates have fallen, the percentage of court decisions resulting in a guilty verdict has dropped over the last five years from 61 to 46 percent, and more offenders are being released on non-custodial sentences. Canadians, understandably, “are increasingly feeling unsafe in their communities and are losing faith in the justice system more broadly.”

Carney’s legislative focus on honest gun owners, coupled with his assertion that “irresponsible American gun laws” enable criminals and illegal gun smuggling into Canada, conveniently divert attention from this dismal state of affairs. “Gun control in Canada,” sums up Dr. Gary Mauser, “is based on lies that the Liberals spread about guns and crime,” and chief among them is that measures like gun bans and buybacks will keep Canadians safe.

Mauser, a Canadian criminologist and emeritus professor at Simon Fraser University, has written and testified extensively on the issue of firearms and crime, and his recent article highlights the compelling differences in crime trends between America, with its “irresponsible” gun laws, and Canada.

“Almost all of the US is safer than Toronto,” he writes. “Canadians may be surprised to learn that murders in the US are concentrated in just a few places. Except for a few localities, half of the counties in the USA have no murders at all; many other counties have very few. There are more murders each year in Toronto than in most places in the US.” The factors contributing to this relatively greater security include the Trump administration’s “tremendous effort” to arrest or deport violent criminals and other offenders, citing 413,991 violent crime arrests and 868,330 property crime arrests.

And, unlike Canadians, Americans enjoy and exercise a constitutional right to keep and bear arms. Given the “wide-spread ownership of firearms and civic minded owners willing and able to defend themselves and their communities,” much of the United States “has both very high gun ownership rates and zero murders.”

In contrast, Canada’s laws “make it all but illegal for citizens to use a firearm to protect themselves or their families.” Mauser points out that violent crime in Canada has increased by 34 percent in the last decade; repeat offenders get bail, imprisoned offenders are typically released early, and the federal government has, it seems, no interest in keeping track of how many illegal immigrants are in the country.

In one horrifying crime last year, a father of four was shot dead in front of his children after his door was kicked in during a home invasion in Vaughan, Ontario. News reports indicate several suspects were apprehended, and the 26-year-old charged with first-degree murder was, according to law enforcement, “out on four separate forms of release” at the time. The locality’s police chief commented that the incident “once again highlights how police chiefs across the country, myself included, remain adamant that changes need to be made to the (justice) system” (emphasis added).

Meanwhile, 29 American states no longer require law-abiding individuals to have a permit to carry a concealed handgun, and gun owners are increasingly embracing the freedom to carry firearms for defensive use outside the home. A survey of general election voters commissioned by Dr. John Lott’s Crime Prevention Research Center (CPRC) found that almost 30% of respondents said they carry a firearm, a 5.5% increase since the last such poll in December 2024. Of those, 13.2% said they carry a firearm all or most of the time and 16.6% replied they carry sometimes or rarely. The CPRC makes the especially interesting point that loosening carry permit requirements in six states, as required to comply with the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2022 Bruen decision, not only resulted in an “enormous increase in the number of permits issued” but, contrary to grim predictions by politicians and gun control activists, violent crime in those states actually declined.

Canada’s liberal lawmakers may be surprised to learn that far from fueling a crisis in crime, America’s gun laws, its increase in first-time gun owners and persons lawfully carrying are expected to coincide with a new record low in America’s murder rate. According to the CPRC, the 2025 figure is likely to fall “at least 10% below the previous record low.”

It begs the question – does Canada have a gun problem, or a crime and enforcement problem?

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Allies War Well I thought it was neat!

The following is an analysis of the role of the Sikh community and the British Army during the “Great Game”—the geopolitical struggle for dominance in Central Asia during the 19th century. by Terry Waites

The Great Game and the Strategic Integration of Sikh Forces in British India
​1. The Context: The Great Game
​The “Great Game” was the 19th-century geopolitical chess match between the British Empire and the Russian Empire, centered on control over Central Asia and the mountain corridors of Afghanistan. Britain viewed Afghanistan as a vital buffer zone to protect its most prized possession, the British Raj in India. In this high-stakes environment, the British military required forces that could navigate difficult mountain terrain, endure harsh climates, and act as reliable extensions of imperial policy.
​2. The Role of the Sikh Soldier
​Following the British annexation of the Punjab after the Anglo-Sikh Wars, the British administration recognized the exceptional martial prowess of the Sikh population. By incorporating Sikhs into the British Indian Army, the British Empire transformed them into one of the “Martial Races”—a colonial military theory that designated certain groups as inherently more suited for combat.
​In the context of the Afghan campaigns (the First and Second Anglo-Afghan Wars), the deployment of Sikh regiments provided the British with several strategic advantages:
​Mountain Warfare Expertise: Sikh soldiers possessed high endurance and familiarity with the geography of the borderlands, making them effective in the rugged, mountainous terrain of Afghanistan where European troops often struggled.
​Operational Discipline: Their strict organizational structure and dedication made them reliable garrisons for remote outposts—most famously illustrated by the Battle of Saragarhi (1897), where 21 Sikh soldiers held a post against thousands of tribal attackers.
​Strategic Distancing: By deploying non-Muslim troops from the Punjab in frontier territories, the British military sought to maintain a degree of separation between their forces and the local population, a core component of the “divide and rule” strategy used to mitigate the risk of mass mutinies or local insurgencies.
​3. The Network of Trade and Intelligence
​While Sikh soldiers fought on the front lines, the Sikh merchant class played a critical, often informal, role in British intelligence-gathering. Because of their long-standing commercial ties across the Khyber Pass and their presence in urban centers like Kabul, Kandahar, and Jalalabad, they were indispensable to the British administration:
​The “News-Writer” System: The British relied heavily on local informants, known as news-writers, to report on tribal alliances, the stability of the Afghan throne, and the influence of Russian emissaries. Sikh merchants, being well-integrated into the regional bazaar economy and fluent in local dialects, were uniquely positioned to provide this sensitive intelligence.
​Logistical Support: The infrastructure of the Sikh merchant network provided the British Army with essential supplies, horses, and provisions in hostile territory, ensuring that colonial expeditions could sustain their presence far from their primary supply bases in India.
​4. Historical Legacy and Perception
​The integration of the Sikh community into the machinery of British expansion in Afghanistan left a complex mark on the regional consciousness. The convergence of Sikh presence with the arrival of British colonial forces meant that for many in the local population, the Sikh community became inextricably linked to the interests of the British Empire.
​This historical perception transformed the status of the community from purely commercial actors to figures perceived as agents of colonial authority. This dynamic not only shaped the internal social politics of 19th-century Afghanistan but also influenced how the local population viewed the intersection of foreign occupation and ethnic minority groups for generations to come.
​This analysis highlights how, during the Great Game, the British Empire successfully utilized both the combat capabilities of the Sikh military and the extensive regional networks of the Sikh merchant class to consolidate their power and influence in the Afghan theater.
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