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SAF Challenges New Jersey Gun Permit Denial Over Protected Speech by John Petrolino

New Jersey Gun Permit Denial Challenged by SAF
SAF argues New Jersey cannot use protected speech and subjective character judgments to deny a firearm purchaser identification card. iStock-1209898812

A New Jersey permit denial raises serious First Amendment concerns. Post-Bruen applicants still deal with subjective standards. The Second Amendment Foundation has filed an amicus in a peculiar denial case.

A New Jersey man who has been twice denied a New Jersey firearm purchaser identification card reapplied a third time. The applicant was denied each time under an illegal subjective standard. The case, In the Matter of the Gun Permit Appeal of A.A.R, was decided in the New Jersey Superior Court in the Appellate Division. A.A.R. has appealed the decision that upheld his denial to the New Jersey Supreme Court. The Second Amendment Foundation has filed an amicus brief in support of A.A.R.’s appeal.

The Law in New Jersey

In order to purchase or possess a long gun in New Jersey, one must have a firearm purchaser identification card. There are some narrow exemptions to that law. One of the disqualifiers in New Jersey law is a subjective one that persists even in the post-Bruen landscape.

An issuing authority may deny the issuance of an FPIC, pistol purchaser’s permit, or permit to carry if they believe the “issuance would not be in the interest of the public health, safety or welfare because the person is found to be lacking the essential character of temperament necessary to be entrusted with a firearm.”

Interpretation of the Law

The court’s opinion noted that they “upheld  the constitutionality of N.J.S.A. 2C:58-3(c)(5) in M.U.” The case that the court references, M.U., has been sitting on appeal from the appellate at the New Jersey Supreme Court for over three years.

The particulars of M.U. are relevant, as M.U. like A.A.R., had no statutorily defined disqualifiers. However, the issuing authority found him disqualified as a matter of opinion. M.U.’s case is even murkier as it includes an expunged record that the issuing authority essentially ignored.

The court quoted their own case law — ignoring the fact that M.U. has been languishing at New Jersey’s highest court without relief — saying that they found “the historical record showed ‘legislatures traditionally imposed status-based restrictions’ that were ‘not  limited  to  individuals  who demonstrated a propensity for violence’ but ‘also applied to entire categories of people due to the perceived threat they posed to an orderly society.’”

Denial Criteria

According to the opinion, some of A.A.R.’s denial criteria were matters of when he was a minor. There were alleged mental health issues. “Potentially almost causing a fire” in his home being one. And having received some level of care for the alleged mental health issues another.

“Freehold Township (Freehold) had denied petitioner’s two previous FPIC applications—one  of  which  was  affirmed  on  appeal to  the  Law  Division; and petitioner’s 3A-3192-24 medical history, including a mental health evaluation; involvement in a domestic dispute; and ‘violent tendencies,’” was noted in the court’s opinion.

Other actions A.A.R. is alleged to have participated in, as an adult, include making remarks online that support white supremacy, misogyny, violence, rape fantaices, use of racial slurs, and more. All allegations. None of which, from all accounts, were criminal.

“Petitioner’s testimony confirmed his 2017 confrontation with his parents, he had authored the Reddit posts, and he had publicly uttered racial slurs and had made statements about raping women,” the opinion said.

Ugly People Aren’t Disqualified

Looking at the opinion, A.A.R. can be accused of being a disgusting and uncouth person. However, there’s nothing illegal about being an “a-hole.” Basically he’s a troll on the internet and was a rebellious/disrespectful kid to his parents. Is there more to the story? Probably. But so far, nothing criminal.

As for any of the mental health allegations, A.A.R. has allegedly received a clean bill of health. According to a letter from a mental health professional he submitted as evidence, a clinical said that he’s “not currently a danger to himself and/or others.” There’s no mention of him being involuntarily committed.

A.A.R. Going at it Alone

A.A.R. has been handling his case pro se. This amicus from the Second Amendment Foundation is likely to help his standing. It’s also likely to help not create more bad law in the Garden State. The 24-page amicus starts off observing some very important and inconvenient facts. They’re inconvenient because just because issuing authorities — or even the public at large — don’t agree with or like them, that does not make them less true.

“The Petitioner in this case has undoubtedly said some reprehensible things,” the brief says. “His racist and sexist views are despicable, and if that speech leads him into social ostracism, perhaps it would be deserved. But from a constitutional perspective, what is more disturbing than anything the Petitioner has said is what the courts below have ruled, which is that speech that is protected by the First Amendment can be grounds to deny someone their constitutional right to keep and bear arms. That must not be allowed to stand.”

It’s A.A.R.’s First Amendment right to be “despicable” as well as suffer “social ostracism” from his actions. But, none of that is criminal.

Subjective Permitting Standard in New Jersey

“Bruen is clear: licensing officials may apply narrow, objective, and definite criteria,” SAF Director of Legal Research and Education Kostas Moros said in a statement. “They may not sit in judgment of an applicant’s ‘character’ or ‘temperament.’ If ten other states, including several with some of the strictest gun laws in the country, issued this applicant carry permits, New Jersey’s outlier denial is powerful evidence of the very subjectivity the Supreme Court forbade. Protected speech, even if it is deeply offensive, cannot be converted into a reason to deny a Second Amendment right.”

It’s important to point out that it’s N.J.S.A. 2C:58-3(c)(5) that has also been used to disproportionately deny Black applicants permits to carry. Preliminary findings saw Black applicants being denied more than double their white counterparts. Further analysis found them to be denied 10 times more — 50 times more in Ocean County. The latest look at the post-Bruen to 2026 numbers found that the rate has leveled off and Black people are denied eight times more than white people.

This “interest of the public health, safety or welfare” standard is responsible for the majority of New Jersey permit-to-carry denials. It’s ensnared more, otherwise law abiding, would-be gun owners than any other disqualifier.

SAF’s Take

“Respecting freedom of speech inherently prohibits retaliation against speech the government disagrees with, even when that speech is socially or politically objectionable,” the Second Amendment Foundation’s release says. “The relevant constitutional question is whether New Jersey may use protected speech to deny the FPIC necessary to exercise one’s Second Amendment rights, on the statutory grounds that doing so is in the interest of public safety. The First and Second Amendment protect against such subjective gatekeeping of fundamental rights.”

What we can glean from both the opinion of the lower court and Second Amendment Foundation’s amicus brief is twofold. Just because the court continues to ignore precedent set in Bruen does not mean it’s right — or good law, because it’s not. And two, just because A.A.R. is a despicable human worthy of having no friends, that does not mean he should have his Second Amendment rights subverted.

Related: New Jersey State Police Sued Over Denied Records Requests on Retired Cop Carry Permits


About John Petrolino

John Petrolino is a US Merchant Marine Officer, writer, author of Decoding Firearms: An Easy to Read Guide on General Gun Safety & Use and NRA certified pistol, rifle, and shotgun instructor living under and working to change New Jersey’s draconian and unconstitutional gun laws.

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Store Your Guns Wrong in MA? Here’s What Happens

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Gun and Ammo Excise Taxes Violate the Second Amendment by Duncan Johnson Editor in Chief

Lawful gun buyer confronts California’s 11% firearms tax and federal excise taxes at a gun-store counter.
Special state and federal excise taxes drive up the cost of firearms and ammunition for lawful gun owners. Original illustration created for AmmoLand News using OpenAI image-generation

Anti-gun politicians who cannot ban firearms outright have found another way to attack the right to keep and bear arms: make exercising it progressively more expensive.

Second Amendment Foundation attorney and Director of Legal Research and Education Konstadinos T. Moros takes direct aim at that strategy in his second law review article, Excising the Second Amendment: Why Taxes Targeting Common Firearms Are Unconstitutional.

Applying the historical test required by New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen, Moros argues that taxes singling out firearms, ammunition, and related products have no well-established analogue in America’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.

His conclusion reaches beyond California’s openly hostile 11% “sin tax” and Colorado’s 6.5% gun tax. It also challenges the federal Pittman-Robertson excise tax and National Firearms Act taxes to the extent they apply to commonly owned arms protected by the Second Amendment.

California’s Gun Tax Shows the Real Burden

Moros distinguishes special gun taxes from ordinary sales taxes that apply generally to consumer goods. The constitutional problem arises when lawmakers target firearms and ammunition for an additional financial penalty simply because they disapprove of armed citizens.

California demonstrates how quickly those government-imposed costs accumulate.

Using Moros’s hypothetical, a handgun that would ordinarily sell for $500 in Los Angeles rises to $584 after the federal and California excise taxes are included. Add California’s $37.19 background-check charge and the city’s 9.75% sales tax, and the buyer pays $678.13 out the door.

A first-time buyer who also needs California’s firearm safety certificate pays $703.13, approximately 28% more than the handgun would cost with only the generally applicable sales tax.

That burden falls hardest on working Americans who need an affordable firearm for self-defense. Constitutional rights do not belong only to those wealthy enough to absorb every tax and fee a hostile legislature dreams up.

History Does Not Support Taxing Common Arms

Moros’s historical survey found no widespread American tradition before 1900 of imposing special per-unit taxes on commonly possessed firearms.

Founding-era militia laws frequently required citizens to own arms and sometimes protected those weapons from seizure for unpaid debts or taxes. Import tariffs existed, but they applied to broad categories of goods and were intended to encourage domestic arms production—not discourage Americans from acquiring firearms.

The relatively few 19th-century laws that specifically taxed weapons generally targeted bowie knives, pocket pistols, and other arms many people of the period considered “dangerous and unusual.” Those laws were concentrated primarily in Southern states, sometimes applied only when the weapons were carried, and ordinarily left the prevailing military and self-defense arms untaxed.

Some Reconstruction-era taxes were even used to price newly freed Black Americans out of gun ownership. Those racist regional outliers cannot establish the representative national tradition Bruen requires.

Pittman-Robertson Is Not Exempt

The paper’s treatment of the Pittman-Robertson excise tax may be uncomfortable for some gun owners because the money supports wildlife restoration, hunter education, and public shooting ranges. But a popular use of the revenue does not cure an unconstitutional tax.

If the federal government imposed a special tax on newspapers to fund public libraries, the worthy destination of the money would not erase the First Amendment violation. The same rule must apply to the Second Amendment.

Moros does not argue that firearms can never be subjected to ordinary taxation. His position is that the government cannot single out a constitutional right for an additional financial burden.

“A right that the government can price out of reach is not a right,” Moros said.

That is the heart of the issue. Legislatures that cannot constitutionally prohibit Americans from buying common firearms should not be permitted to pursue the same objective through discriminatory taxation. The Second Amendment says the right “shall not be infringed.” It does not contain an exception for infringements disguised as taxes.

About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor and editor-in-chief for AmmoLand News and is responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.Duncan Johnson

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Highland Park Lawsuit Subpoenas James Reeves, Treats Gun Reviews as ‘Advertising’by Duncan Johnson

Subpoena beside an AR-15-style rifle, notebook and microphone representing litigation reaching into firearms media.
James Reeves says the Highland Park lawsuit against Smith & Wesson has subpoenaed records concerning his firearm reviews and treats unpaid social-media content as advertising. Original illustration by AmmoLand News using OpenAI.

A lawsuit attempting to hold Smith & Wesson responsible for the crimes committed during the 2022 Highland Park parade shooting is now reaching beyond the firearm manufacturer and into the gun media.

Firearms reviewer and attorney James Reeves disclosed on X that he was served with a subpoena demanding years of records and analytics concerning Smith & Wesson and reviews he has produced.

The most troubling part for firearm journalists and content creators is how broadly Reeves says the subpoena defines advertising. According to Reeves, the plaintiffs’ definition includes “even unpaid organic social-media content.”

In other words, an independent review of a lawful firearm could be treated as corporate advertising merely because the reviewer received, tested, or discussed the product.

That is a dangerous theory with implications extending well beyond Smith & Wesson or the firearm industry.

 

Everytown Lawsuit Targets Smith & Wesson Marketing

The subpoena arises from Roberts v. Smith & Wesson Brands, Inc., No. 22-LA-00000487, pending in the Circuit Court for Illinois’s 19th Judicial Circuit in Lake County.

The case was filed by Keely and Jason Roberts, individually and on behalf of their twin sons. The family attended the July 4, 2022, parade in Highland Park when murderer Robert Crimo III fired 83 rounds from a rooftop, killing seven people and injuring dozens more.

The Roberts family suffered horrific injuries. According to the complaint, Keely Roberts was shot through the foot, one son was struck by shrapnel, and the other suffered catastrophic injuries that left him unable to walk.

Those facts are tragic. They do not, however, make Smith & Wesson or independent firearm reviewers responsible for the deliberate actions of a murderer.

The 78-page First Amended Complaint—signed by attorneys from Everytown Law and several private firms—names Smith & Wesson, Budsgunshop.com, Red Dot Arms, Crimo, and Crimo’s father as defendants.

The lawsuit advances 11 counts, including alleged violations of the Illinois Consumer Fraud and Deceptive Business Practices Act, deceptive trade practices, negligence, battery, assault, and emotional distress.

Its central theory against Smith & Wesson is that the company unfairly marketed the semiautomatic M&P15 to adolescent and young adult men through military imagery, appeals to excitement and adrenaline, first-person-shooter aesthetics, and social-media influencers.

The complaint repeatedly describes the M&P15 as an “assault rifle” and a “weapon of war.” It alleges that Smith & Wesson’s marketing influenced Crimo’s decision to select the rifle for his attack. That is an allegation, not a finding by the court.

Gun Media Named as Discovery Respondents

The complaint does more than attack Smith & Wesson’s advertising. It separately names Cybear Interactive, Watauga Group, and Clandestine Media Group as “respondents in discovery.” They are not listed as defendants.

The complaint contains only two paragraphs addressing these companies. It alleges that they may possess information “essential” to determining the parties or issues and asks that they answer interrogatories, produce records, and appear for depositions.

Reeves now says the plaintiffs have followed through by serving him with a subpoena seeking years of information concerning Smith & Wesson and his reviews.

AmmoLand reviewed the First Amended Complaint and Reeves’s public statement. The subpoena itself was not included with the documents reviewed, so its precise language and demands are being reported based on Reeves’s account.

According to Reeves, the requested material potentially reaches nearly any YouTube video discussing the M&P15 during the relevant period—even content produced independently and without payment from Smith & Wesson.

“If a manufacturer sends a journalist or creator a product to independently test, that does not magically transform the resulting review into advertising,” Reeves wrote.

That distinction should be obvious. A favorable firearm review does not become an advertisement merely because the manufacturer supplied a sample. Nor does a manufacturer control every conclusion, criticism, or demonstration published by an independent reviewer.

Treating journalism as advertising could allow plaintiffs to drag reporters and creators into litigation simply for covering firearms someone later misused.

Lawsuit Seeks Restrictions on Smith & Wesson Speech

The plaintiffs are seeking monetary damages, but they also want the Illinois court to impose sweeping restrictions on Smith & Wesson’s marketing.

The requested injunction would prohibit Smith & Wesson from targeting AR-15-style rifle marketing at children and young adults and from using military branding, imagery, or references. It would also require age gates on social media, warnings in advertisements, and disclosure whenever an advertisement features actors.

The complaint relies heavily on the claim that Smith & Wesson created a misleading association between its M&P rifles and the United States military. It further alleges that marketing rifles with military themes encourages civilians to engage in unlawful military, militia, or paramilitary activity.

The argument effectively treats ordinary images of lawful rifle use, tactical training, or military heritage as evidence of wrongdoing. Now, based on Reeves’s description of the subpoena, plaintiffs appear prepared to apply that same theory to independent firearm coverage.

Another Attempt to Plead Around the PLCAA

Reeves characterizes the case as another attempt to circumvent the federal Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act.

Congress enacted the PLCAA to prevent firearm manufacturers and sellers from being held civilly liable for harm caused by criminals who misuse lawful products. The law contains specific exceptions, including cases involving defective products, negligent entrustment, and knowing violations of laws governing firearm sales or marketing.

Gun-control organizations have increasingly attempted to fit their cases within those exceptions by framing traditional product advertising as consumer fraud or unlawful marketing.

Reeves compared the Roberts case to the litigation brought against Remington following the Sandy Hook murders. He also connected the subpoena to his work on proposed state legislation intended to clarify and reinforce protections against lawsuits based on third-party criminal misuse.

Regardless of how the Illinois court ultimately rules, the effort to classify independent reviews as advertising should concern every journalist and content creator.

The Second Amendment protects the right to keep and bear arms. The First Amendment protects the right to speak, publish, and report about them. Anti-gun litigants should not be permitted to evade one constitutional protection by attacking the other.

Reeves advised firearm-media professionals who receive similar subpoenas not to ignore them—and not to delete records. That is sound advice. A subpoena is a legal demand requiring a serious and timely response.

It is also a warning that the gun-control lobby’s campaign against the firearm industry is expanding. The target is no longer limited to manufacturers and dealers. The people who review, explain, and report on lawful firearms are now being pulled into the fight.

=============================================       For the Record my Blog “You will shoot your eye out.com has gotten ONE Penny from the Public or the Gun Industry. This is just a hobby of mine and should be protected by the 1st Amendment of the US Federal Constitution.

Also it should be noted that I am dirt poor! So to all the blood thirsty lawyers out there. I kind of doubt that you would make much money off of me! Grumpy

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California: 3 Restrictive Anti-Gun Bills Head To Governor Newsom For His Consideration by Mark Chesnut

Despite the fact that several current California gun laws are being challenged in court, anti-gun Golden State lawmakers are carrying on undaunted.

Lawmakers recently finalized passage of two Senate bills and one Assembly bill, each placing new restrictions on lawful gun owners while doing little to address violent crime. All three have now gone to Gov. Gavin Newsom for his consideration.

According to the National Rifle Association’s Institute for Legislative Action, the most egregious of the three is Senate Bill 948, which, if signed into law, will impose sweeping new firearm training requirements on Californians seeking a Firearm Safety Certificate.

“Senate Bill 948 dramatically expands California’s Firearm Safety Certificate (FSC) requirements by mandating a minimum four-hour training course beginning in 2029, including live-fire exercises and state-prescribed classroom instruction,” NRA-ILA wrote in a legislative update. “Criminal misuse of firearms is not the result of insufficient government mandates, yet this bill imposes additional regulatory burdens on law-abiding citizens while doing nothing to address crime.”

Under the enrolled version of the bill, beginning Jan. 1, 2029, applicants for an FSC would have to complete at least four hours of training within the previous year. That training would include classroom instruction covering firearm safety, California gun laws, storage, transportation and self-defense, along with live-fire exercises demonstrating safe handling and basic shooting proficiency.

SB 948 would also impose new requirements on people moving into California with firearms. Beginning Jan. 1, 2028, personal firearm importers would generally be required to obtain an FSC or qualify for an exemption and certify that status to the California Department of Justice.

The other Senate bill sent to the governor is SB 1220, which would add another misdemeanor to California’s list of offenses that trigger a 10-year firearm prohibition.

“Specifically, a person convicted of possessing, selling, transferring, or otherwise dealing with a firearm that has had its identifying marks or serial number altered,” NRA-ILA explained. “While existing law already makes it a misdemeanor to possess or transfer a firearm with such traits, this bill expands California’s ever-growing list of misdemeanor offenses that can result in the loss of constitutional rights.”

Under the bill, anyone convicted on or after Jan. 1, 2027, of the applicable misdemeanor involving a firearm with altered, removed or obliterated identifying marks would be prohibited from owning, purchasing, receiving or possessing a firearm for 10 years.

The lone Assembly measure to receive final approval and land on Newsom’s desk is Assembly Bill 1743. If signed, the bill would expand California’s firearm-owner data-sharing framework by increasing access to information maintained in the state’s Automated Firearms System and related databases.

“Expanding this system raises significant concerns given California’s track record of protecting firearm owner data,” NRA-ILA warned. “In 2022, the California Department of Justice exposed the personal information of thousands of firearm owners and concealed carry permit holders in a widely reported data breach.”

NRA-ILA is encouraging California members to contact Newsom’s office and urge him to veto all three measures. Given Newsom’s longstanding support for additional gun-control laws, however, a veto would come as something of a surprise.

Newsom has made gun control a prominent part of his political identity for years. As lieutenant governor, he spearheaded California’s Proposition 63 gun-control initiative, and as governor he has repeatedly signed legislation tightening the state’s firearm laws. In 2023, for example, he signed legislation imposing an additional 11% state tax on firearms and ammunition and another measure broadly restricting where Californians could legally carry firearms.

That history takes on additional significance as Newsom increasingly positions himself on the national political stage. He is widely discussed as a potential contender for the 2028 Democratic presidential nomination, although he has not formally announced a campaign.

Politically, that leaves little obvious incentive for Newsom to break with gun-control advocates by vetoing these bills. Signing them, meanwhile, is unlikely to cost him much support among gun owners who already oppose his record on the Second Amendment.

Ultimately, Newsom is likely to make his decision with both California politics and his broader national ambitions in mind. If he signs the bills into law, there’s also a good chance the courts haven’t heard the last of them—particularly SB 948 and its mandatory training requirement.

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Massachusetts Fails to Kill Lawsuit Over Nonresident Carry Permit Delays by AmmoLand Editor Duncan Johnson

1911 carry pistol
A federal judge allowed key claims challenging Massachusetts’ recurring nonresident carry-license delays to move forward. iStock-655078450

Massachusetts cannot make a Second Amendment lawsuit disappear simply by issuing carry permits after it has already kept lawful citizens disarmed for months.

That is the central takeaway from a federal judge’s refusal to dismiss the core claims in Lawson v. Campbell, a lawsuit brought by the Second Amendment Foundation, Gun Owners Action League, and three nonresident gun owners challenging Massachusetts’ burdensome License to Carry process.

Chief U.S. District Judge Denise Casper allowed the plaintiffs’ as-applied Second Amendment claim and their Fourteenth Amendment equal-protection claim to proceed. The decision is not a final ruling that Massachusetts violated the Constitution, but it is a significant procedural victory that moves the case toward discovery—and forces the Commonwealth to defend how its licensing system actually operates.

Massachusetts may call its system “shall issue.” According to the lawsuit, however, the state’s one-year nonresident licenses, recurring delays, and refusal to provide a renewal grace period leave lawful gun owners unable to carry for extended periods year after year.

That is not a minor administrative inconvenience. It is government-imposed disarmament.

One-Year Permits and Months of Waiting

Massachusetts treats nonresident gun owners far more harshly than its own residents.

A resident License to Carry can remain valid for six years. A nonresident generally receives a temporary license lasting only one year. Both are charged a $100 application or renewal fee, meaning a nonresident may pay the same amount every year that a resident pays once every six years.

New nonresident applicants must also appear in person at the Firearms Records Bureau in Chelsea, Massachusetts. Applicants face background checks, fingerprinting, training requirements, and other bureaucratic demands before receiving government permission to exercise a right protected by the Constitution.

Massachusetts law generally requires a licensing authority to approve or deny an application within 40 days. The state’s own website reportedly warns nonresidents that processing may take as long as 90 days. The plaintiffs allege even longer delays.

Brian Burns, a Florida resident who maintains a home in Massachusetts, has held at least four nonresident licenses. According to the complaint, one timely renewal was delayed so badly that his new license was not issued until nearly six months after the previous license expired.

Christopher Penta, a New Hampshire resident who frequently travels into Massachusetts for work and family visits, has maintained a nonresident license since 2018. He alleges that one renewal was issued almost two months after his existing license expired.

Russell Lawson Jr., a New York resident who owns a Massachusetts hunting cabin, applied for his first nonresident license in January 2025. His earliest interview was scheduled for June. Lawson missed that appointment because of an unexpected work obligation, and the state rescheduled him for October. Officials subsequently requested information concerning an undisclosed out-of-state charge. He eventually received his license in March 2026.

Although Lawson’s individual application involved additional complications, the court found that the plaintiffs collectively alleged a recurring licensing problem sufficient to keep the lawsuit alive.

Late Approval Does Not Erase the Injury

Massachusetts argued that the case was moot because the individual plaintiffs eventually received their licenses. Judge Casper rejected that position.

The court recognized that sufficiently long licensing delays can themselves constitute constitutional injuries. A citizen who cannot legally carry a firearm for self-defense while Massachusetts sits on his application has lost the exercise of that right during the delay. A permit issued months later cannot restore the days when he was forced to travel disarmed.

The judge also found that the delays could qualify as “capable of repetition, yet evading review.” Nonresident licenses must be renewed annually, the individual plaintiffs intend to continue traveling to Massachusetts, and Burns and Penta allege that they have already experienced recurring renewal delays.

Massachusetts cannot run out the clock, issue the permit after a lawsuit begins, and then claim there is nothing left for a federal court to review.

That point reaches beyond this case. AmmoLand recently covered similar permit-delay litigation involving the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department. Anti-gun jurisdictions lost their ability to demand a special need for self-defense after New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen. Bureaucratic delay cannot become the replacement for the discretionary carry bans that Bruen struck down.

Second Amendment Claim Moves Forward

The court dismissed the plaintiffs’ facial challenge to the Massachusetts licensing system. A facial challenge requires showing that the law is unconstitutional in every application, and Judge Casper concluded that the plaintiffs had not cleared that demanding hurdle.

The as-applied challenge is another matter. The judge found that the plaintiffs plausibly alleged delays extending well beyond Massachusetts’ 40-day statutory period. When those delays are combined with one-year licenses and no grace period, the system can deprive nonresidents of their right to carry.

The court declined to establish a bright-line rule defining exactly when a licensing delay becomes unconstitutional. It did, however, reject Massachusetts’ argument that only delays lasting 18 months or several years can implicate the Second Amendment.

Most importantly under Bruen, Massachusetts did not identify a historical tradition supporting the alleged delays. The as-applied Second Amendment claim therefore survived the motion to dismiss.

Nonresidents Face Arrest While Residents Receive Protection

The plaintiffs’ equal-protection claim also survived. Massachusetts residents receive a grace period when they submit timely renewal applications. Nonresidents do not. When a temporary nonresident license expires, its holder can be forced to choose between entering Massachusetts disarmed or carrying under threat of arrest and prosecution.

The court found that this alleged distinction could penalize the constitutional right to interstate travel. Because the plaintiffs plausibly alleged an underlying Second Amendment injury, Judge Casper considered the application of strict scrutiny rather than automatically accepting any justification Massachusetts could invent.

The Commonwealth identified its general interest in public safety and verifying applicants’ eligibility. It did not explain why denying nonresidents a grace period—or subjecting them to delays beyond the statutory deadline—was narrowly tailored to serve that interest.

The judge consequently refused to dismiss the equal-protection claim.

Rights Do Not Stop at State Lines

The Second Amendment Foundation correctly described the ruling as a major procedural advance.

“Massachusetts begrudgingly makes carry permits available for out-of-state residents,” SAF Senior Director of Legal Operations Bill Sack said, while making the annual process unconstitutionally burdensome.

SAF founder Alan Gottlieb put the larger principle more plainly: “The Constitution doesn’t know state lines, and neither do our rights.”

AmmoLand has previously warned that forcing Americans to obtain separate government permission from every hostile jurisdiction they might visit turns interstate travel into a legal minefield. Massachusetts’ treatment of nonresidents has already produced extensive litigation, including the cases discussed in our earlier coverage of the Commonwealth’s cross-border carry restrictions and its supposedly reformed nonresident licensing system.

The court also dismissed the plaintiffs’ claim under the Article IV Privileges and Immunities Clause. That loss and the dismissal of the facial Second Amendment claim should not be ignored. But neither changes the importance of what survived.

A permit does not create the right to bear arms. The right existed before Massachusetts imposed its application, fee, fingerprinting, interview, and annual renewal requirements.

When the government prevents a qualified citizen from carrying for months, the constitutional injury occurs during every day of forced disarmament. Massachusetts will now have to defend that conduct instead of burying the case under a stack of late-issued permits.

 

About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy.

Duncan is a regular contributor and editor-in-chief for AmmoLand News and is responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.

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Democrats Can’t Beat Bruen in Court — So They Want to Add Justices Until They Can by TTAG News Contributor

The Supreme Court’s Second Amendment record has never looked stronger. Yet that strength rests on a five-vote majority, and a growing bloc of Democrat leaders has said out loud that they want to change the math by adding seats to the Court. If they succeed, the doctrine protecting your right to keep and bear arms could be rewritten faster than it was built.

That is the plain reason court packing matters to gun owners. The decisions that anchor modern gun rights are strong today because of who sits on the bench. Change the roster, and you change the outcomes.

What Heller, Bruen and Wolford Actually Established

To understand what is at stake, you have to understand what these rulings did. In 2008, District of Columbia v. Heller confirmed that the Second Amendment protects an individual right held by Americans generally, not a right tied only to militia service. Two years later, McDonald v. City of Chicago applied that right against the states. Then in 2022, New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen set out how courts must judge gun laws.

Bruen created a two-step test. As one SCOTUSblog analysis explains, step one asks whether a challenged regulation restricts conduct covered by the plain text of the Second Amendment.

If it does, step two shifts the burden to the government to show the regulation fits “this Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.” If the government cannot meet that burden, the challenger wins. This approach rejects interest-balancing, which is the practice of weighing whether a law is tailored well enough to serve a modern policy goal. The test asks about history, not present-day preferences.

Wolford v. Lopez pushed back on a creative attempt to work around all of this. The Court struck down Hawaii’s presumptive ban on carrying firearms on private property open to the public without the owner’s express permission.

Justice Amy Coney Barrett, writing in concurrence, warned courts not to “smuggle additional limits, drawn from our regulatory tradition, into the plain-text stage of the inquiry.” Doing so would flip the burden of proof onto ordinary gun owners and let the government off the hook. Wolford also confirmed that the Second Amendment sets “a uniform national standard” that does not shift from state to state. The “spirit of Aloha,” as the Court put it, could not shrink the right inside Hawaii’s borders.

Why This Regime Looks Secure Right Now

On the current Court, these rulings sit on solid ground. That SCOTUSblog analysis describes the “Heller-Bruen regime” as “here to stay,” and the record supports the point. In United States v. Hemani, the justices held 9-0 that disarming someone solely because of occasional marijuana use violates the Second Amendment. A unanimous Court agreeing on a gun-rights outcome is a strong signal.

Even the internal disagreement stayed small. Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson wrote in a Hemani concurrence that she “continue[s] to believe that we veered off course in Bruen,” but only Justice Sonia Sotomayor joined her. No justice questioned Heller’s core holding that the Second Amendment protects an individual right. Barrett’s Wolford concurrence tightened the doctrine rather than loosening it.

That is the whole point. The durability of Heller, Bruen, and Wolford depends on the votes. Two justices want to revisit Bruen. Seven do not. Flip that ratio, and the entire structure becomes vulnerable.

How Court Packing Would Change the Math

This is where the political side enters. Adding seats to the Supreme Court and filling them with justices friendly to gun control would erase the majority that produced these decisions. There is no constitutional barrier to Congress changing the number of justices, which means a party controlling the presidency and Congress could raise it.

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Judge Uses ‘Infancy Doctrine’ to Uphold Hawaii’s Under-21 Gun Ban by Ammoland Inc

Gun Store iStock-1472856584
A federal judge upheld Hawaii’s firearm ban for adults under 21 by treating Founding-era limits on minors entering contracts as a historical analogue for modern gun control. iStock-1472856584

A federal judge has upheld Hawaii’s sweeping gun ban for adults under 21 by treating Founding-era restrictions on minors entering contracts as evidence of a historical tradition of denying them access to firearms.

In a 43-page order, U.S. District Judge Jill A. Otake denied the plaintiffs’ motion for summary judgment, granted Hawaii Attorney General Anne Lopez’s counter-motion, and directed the clerk to enter judgment for the state and close the case.

The lawsuit was originally filed as Pinales v. Lopez but is now captioned Roache v. Lopez following the dismissal of plaintiff Elijah Pinales. The remaining plaintiffs are Juda Roache, the Second Amendment Foundation, and Hawaii gun dealers Aloha Strategics LLC and JGB Arms LLC.

AmmoLand previously covered the lawsuit when SAF challenged Hawaii’s prohibition on otherwise qualified adults between 18 and 20 acquiring firearms or ammunition.

Hawaii does not merely prevent federally licensed dealers from selling handguns to adults under 21. State law generally prevents them from acquiring any firearm through purchase, gift, inheritance, bequest, or almost any other means. It also broadly restricts their ability to acquire and possess ammunition, subject to narrow exceptions for activities including hunting and target shooting.

Roache is between 18 and 20 and would apply for a permit, purchase firearms and ammunition, and accept a firearm from his mother if Hawaii allowed it. The state did not allege that he was prohibited for any reason other than his age.

Court Admits Adults Under 21 Have Second Amendment Rights

The court rejected Hawaii’s preserved argument that adults under 21 fall outside “the people” protected by the Second Amendment.

“The Court is satisfied that 18- to 20-year-olds are part of ‘the people,’” Otake wrote.

The judge also acknowledged that Hawaii’s acquisition ban implicates the right to “keep” arms. The ability to possess a firearm does not mean much if the government can prevent a citizen from legally acquiring one.

That should have placed the burden squarely on Hawaii to identify a historical tradition supporting its law. The state could not point to a Founding-era statute that prohibited 18-to-20-year-olds from acquiring all firearms and ammunition. Instead, the court allowed Hawaii to use general contract law as a substitute for an actual firearm restriction.

Founding-Era Contract Law Becomes Gun Control

At the Founding, people under 21 were generally considered minors under the common-law “infancy doctrine.” Their contracts could usually be voided unless they involved necessities such as food, clothing, medicine, or education.

Because cash was limited, commerce often depended on credit, and children’s wages generally belonged to the head of the household, the court concluded that people under 21 were functionally unable to purchase firearms on their own.

From there, the judge determined that the infancy doctrine and Hawaii’s modern gun ban burden the right in a similar way and for a similar reason. Both, according to the court, reflected concerns about the judgment and maturity of people under 21.

That reasoning turns an old rule governing contracts generally into a historical firearm regulation. It also ignores the difference between a contract that could be voided and a modern criminal prohibition preventing an otherwise qualified adult from acquiring the means to defend himself.

The court further rejected the plaintiffs’ argument that today’s 18-to-20-year-olds are legal adults. According to the ruling, the contractual age of 21 at the Founding was not tied to a shifting general age of adulthood.

In other words, Hawaii may treat someone as an adult for most legal obligations while declaring him too immature to exercise an enumerated constitutional right.

Judge Discounts Armed Militia Service Beginning at 18

The plaintiffs also relied on the Militia Act of 1792, which enrolled able-bodied white male citizens beginning at age 18 and required them to appear armed.

That history has played a central role in other young-adult gun cases. In Reese v. ATF, the Fifth Circuit found that adults between 18 and 20 are part of “the people” and struck down the federal ban on FFL handgun sales to them.

The Hawaii court took the opposite view.

Otake reasoned that militia service was an obligation rather than proof of an individual right to acquire firearms outside militia service. She emphasized state militia laws that placed responsibility for supplying some young militiamen with weapons on their parents or guardians.

The ruling expressly found the Fifth Circuit’s reasoning in Reese less persuasive than decisions from the Fourth and Eleventh Circuits upholding other age-based restrictions.

That leaves the federal courts badly divided. Adults under 21 do not gain or lose their Second Amendment rights when they cross a circuit boundary, but the courts are increasingly treating them as if they do.

Later Pistol Laws Used to Uphold a Ban on Every Gun

The court encountered a bigger historical problem when it considered Roache’s desire to accept a firearm from his mother.

The judge acknowledged that the record contained no specific Founding-era evidence showing that parents were prohibited from giving firearms to their children. Militia laws requiring parents to provide arms could point in the opposite direction.

The court called the Founding-era record on family transfers “ambiguous.” But rather than hold that Hawaii failed to meet its burden, the judge invoked what the Ninth Circuit has called a “more nuanced approach” and placed greater weight on laws enacted during the second half of the 19th century.

Those later laws often prohibited selling, loaning, or giving pistols and other concealable weapons to people under 21. Some did not contain exceptions for parental gifts.

The court nevertheless acknowledged that Hawaii’s law is broader. Most of the cited historical restrictions concerned pistols and concealable weapons, while Hawaii bars adults under 21 from acquiring rifles, shotguns, handguns, and ammunition.

The judge bridged that gap by reasoning that modern rifles are more effective for violence than 19th-century muzzleloading long guns. The court then extracted a much broader supposed historical principle: government may restrict firearm acquisition by anyone under 21.

That is precisely where the ruling stretches Bruen beyond recognition. Historical analogues are supposed to test whether the government has traditionally possessed the authority it now claims. They are not raw material from which judges may manufacture broader regulatory powers that the historical laws never exercised.

Hawaii’s Ban Survives…For Now

The final ruling converts Founding-era contract law into gun control, discounts militia service beginning at 18, and uses later restrictions on concealable weapons to uphold a modern ban covering virtually every firearm.

The court admitted that adults under 21 are among “the people.” It admitted that acquiring a firearm is protected by the Second Amendment’s plain text. It admitted that the Founding-era record did not clearly support banning parental gifts. It also admitted that Hawaii’s law sweeps more broadly than the later historical restrictions.

Hawaii still won.

The Second Amendment does not establish a second-class form of citizenship for adults between 18 and 20. A right belonging to “the people” cannot be converted into a privilege withheld until the state decides a citizen is mature enough to exercise it.


About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says.

A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy.

Duncan is a regular contributor and editor-in-chief for AmmoLand News and is responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.

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One Foundation is Spending Millions to Fund a Robust Network of Gun-Control Organizations

Exposing the Gun Control Industry’s Financiers: The Joyce Foundation

NSSF launched a new campaign this year called Gun Rights Insights. The goal is to drag the big money donors that fuel the gun control campaign into the sunlight. No more hiding behind veils and in corporate boardroom ivory towers.

Gun Rights Insights pulls back the curtain to show that the gun control agenda is nothing more than an astroturf agenda living off the funding and the backing of a few billionaires and progressive activist foundations flooding the field with waves of cash, up to $400 million annually.

With this money, they buy influence, media airtime and followers who buy into the false narrative that surrendering God-given rights will make America safer while they surround themselves with armed security in gated compounds.

Gun Rights Insights previously exposed antigun billionaire Michael Bloomberg, George Soros and Hollywood A-list celebrities.

Allow Gun Rights Insights to introduce…The Joyce Foundation.

Who They Are

The Joyce Foundation, based in Chicago, was founded by Beatrice Joyce Kean in 1948, the heiress of an Iowa lumber executive. They now pitch the foundation as a “private, nonpartisan philanthropy that invests in public policies and strategies to advance racial equity and economic mobility for the next generation in the Great Lakes region.”

Founder Kean passed away in 1972, leaving 90 percent of her estate — or $120 million — to the foundation, according to InfluenceWatch, a watchdog group run by the Capital Research Center. Soon after, The Joyce Foundation shifted focus to include government policies. Notably, they target gun control with a board comprised of anti-gun activists.

Barack Obama
By Pete Souza, Public Domain

Chief of among those steering The Joyce Foundation’s work was President Barack Obama, who was on the foundation’s board of directors from 1994–2002, before he entered public life. President Obama espoused strict gun control, calling for a ban on modern sporting rifles, America’s most-popular selling centerfire rifle. He also demanded a national firearm registry through a universal background check scheme.

Valerie Jarrett was a former senior advisor to President Obama and is currently the CEO of the Obama Foundation. She’s a former board member of The Joyce Foundation.

Valerie Jarrett
By US Department of Labor – Valerie Jerrett, Public Domain

Today, other members of his White House still serve on The Joyce Foundation’s board. Margot Rogers, was the Chief of Staff to the Obama administration’s U.S. Department of Education Secretary Arne Duncan. Today, Rogers is The Joyce Foundation’s Chair of the Board. The Vice Chair of the Board is filled by Tracey Maeres, who was on President Obama’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing. Cecilia Munoz served eight years in the Obama administration, including five years leading the White House Domestic Policy Council. Today, Munoz is a board member for the Joyce Foundation.

What They Do

The Joyce Foundation’s role in propelling gun control is through funding research that is used to prop up gun control policies.

“Not only has it bankrolled research, but Joyce brags that it has been instrumental in launching major gun control groups,” The Gun Rights Insights video explains. “Some of the groups include the Violence Policy Center, a group that has faced criticism for misrepresenting facts and inflating numbers to further its position on gun crime. The Educational Fund to Stop Gun Violence, since merged into the Johns Hopkins University Bloomberg School of Public Health, which call for restrictions on your right to carry as well as government permits to purchase firearms.”

This is the same group, led by Josh Horwitz, that is the driving force to demand all firearms be equipped with unworkable microstamping technology, which is a really a slow-motion gun ban. But the Commerce Department’s National Institutes for Standards and Technology just told Congress there’s no evidence that the tech requirement would actually work.

The video continues, “The group also criticizes locking up violent criminals who abuse guns saying, ‘Policing and incarceration have been the primary means to address gun violence in underserved communities and often these systems have been ineffective and perpetuated or exacerbated racial inequities.’”

That’s not all. The Joyce Foundation has also funded The New Venture Fund, a dark-money organization that has spawned dozens of left-wing advocacy campaigns. That group has been sued by Nebraska’s Attorney General Mike Hilgers for allegedly funneling foreign money into political campaigns.

How They Do It

The Joyce Foundation’s investment in gun control isn’t small. They’ve dropped nearly $100 million into the effort. That’s a drop in the bucket compared to their $1.3 billion in assets at its disposal. In 2024, The Joyce Foundation grew by $85.7 million. While that sum is staggering to most who don’t live in Chicago’s Gold Coast and Lincoln Park, it is still overshadowed by 2021, when The Joyce Foundation reported $150.4 million in revenue and another $114.8 million in 2022.

But that Chicago isn’t the same Windy City everyone else knows.

“The Joyce Foundation’s home city of Chicago is a posterchild of how gun control fails,” the Gun Rights Insights video explains.

That’s because Chicago, and Illinois, have some of the most restrictive gun control laws in the nation. That hasn’t brought crime to a screeching halt. That’s only robbed law-abiding citizens of their ability to defend themselves against violent criminals.

And The Joyce Foundation is bankrolling it.

 

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Reality sure can be a B*tch at times huh?