Categories
The Green Machine War

Still True today!

Related image

Categories
The Green Machine War

Somebody in the Army has gotten a good idea!

Army Will Add 2 Months to Infantry Course to Make Grunts More Lethal

A U.S. Army Infantry soldier-in-training assigned to Alpha Company, 1st Battalion, 19th Infantry Regiment, 198th Infantry Brigade, engages the opposing force (OPFOR) May 2, 2017, with a M249 Squad Automatic Weapon (SAW) on a Stryker to provide support-by-fire during a squad training exercise. (U.S. Army photo/Patrick A. Albright)
A U.S. Army Infantry soldier-in-training assigned to Alpha Company, 1st Battalion, 19th Infantry Regiment, 198th Infantry Brigade, engages the opposing force (OPFOR) May 2, 2017, with a M249 Squad Automatic Weapon (SAW) on a Stryker to provide support-by-fire during a squad training exercise. (U.S. Army photo/Patrick A. Albright)
The U.S. Army is refining a plan to extend by two months the service’s 14-week infantry one station unit training, or OSUT, so young grunts arrive at their first unit more combat-ready than ever before.
Trainers at Fort Benning, Georgia will run a pilot this summer that will extend infantry OSUT from 14 weeks to 22 weeks, giving soldiers more time to practice key infantry skills such as land navigation, marksmanship, hand-to-hand combat, fire and maneuver and first aid training.

Currently soldiers in infantry OSUT go through nine weeks of Basic Combat Training and about 4.5 weeks of infantry advanced individual training. This would add an additional 8 weeks of advanced individual training, tripling the length of the instruction soldiers receive in that phase.
“It’s more reps and sets; we are trying to make sure that infantry soldiers coming out of infantry OSUT are more than just familiar [with ground combat skills],” Col. Townley Hedrick, commandant of the Infantry School at Benning, told Military.com in a June 21 interview. “You are going to shoot more bullets; you are going to come out more proficient and more expert than just familiar.”

A BETTER TRAINED INFANTRY SOLDIER

The former infantry commandant, Brig. Gen. Christopher Donahue, launched the effort to “improve the lethality of soldiers in the infantry rifle squad,” Hedrick said.
“In 14 weeks, what we really do is produce a baseline infantry soldier,” said Col. Kelly Kendrick, the outgoing commander of 198th Infantry Brigade at Benning, who was heavily involved in developing the pilot.
This works fine when new soldiers arrive at their first unit as it is starting its pre-deployment train-up, Kendrick said.
Unfortunately, many young infantry soldiers arrive at a unit only a few weeks before it deploys, leaving little time for preparation before real-world operations begin, he said.
“I was the G3 of the 101st Airborne and if a [new] soldier came up late in the train-up, we had a three-week train-up program and then after three weeks, we would send that soldier on a deployment,” he said.
With 22 weeks of infantry OSUT, “you can see right off that bat, we are going to have a hell of a lot better soldier,” Kendrick said. “I will tell you, we will produce infantry soldiers with unmatched lethality compared to what we have had in the past.”
The new pilot will start training two companies from July 13 to mid-December, Kendrick said. Once the new program of instruction is finalized, trainers will start implementing the 22-week cycle across infantry OSUT in October 2019.
The effort follows an Army-wide redesign of Basic Combat Training earlier this year, designed to instill more discipline and esprit de corps in young soldiers after leaders from around the Army complained that new soldiers were displaying a lack of obedience, poor work ethic and low discipline.
“If there are two things we do great right now, that’s physical fitness and marksmanship; I really think everything else has suffered a little bit,” said Kendrick. “If you went and looked at special operations forces … the SOF force has realized they have to invest in training and teaching. And they have done that, so we have been the last ones to get it.”
The Army has prioritized leader training for both commissioned officers and sergeants.
“[But] the initial entry, soldier side of the house, has not [changed] whole lot from the infantry perspective for a long, long time,” Kendrick said.

A NEW EMPHASIS ON LAND NAVIGATION TRAINING

Currently, soldiers in infantry training receive one day of classroom instruction on land navigation and one day of hands-on application.
“We put them in groups of four and they go and find three of about four-five points — that’s their land navigation training,” Kendrick.
The new land-nav program will last a week.
“They are going to do buddy teams to start with, and at the end, they will have to pass day and night land navigation, individually,” he said.
One challenge of the pilot will be, “can I get to individual proficiency in land-nav or do I need more time?” Kendrick said.
“Part of this what we haven’t figured out is hey, how long do those lanes need to be — 300, 600, 800 meters?” said Kendrick, adding that it would be easy to design a course “and have every private here fail.”
“Then I can turn around and have every private pass no matter what with just a highway through the woods,” he continued. “We’ve got to figure out what that level is going to be — where they leave here accomplished in their skills and their ability and are prepared to go do that well wherever they get to. That is really the art of doing this pilot.”

A NEW MARKSMANSHIP STRATEGY

Currently, infantry OSUT soldiers train on iron sights and the M68 close combat optic at ranges out to 300 meters.
The new program will feature training on the Advanced Combat Optical Gunsight, or AGOG, which offers 4X magnification.
“We don’t do much ACOG training; you go out to most rifle units, the ACOG is part of the unit’s issue,” Kendrick said. “It’s a shame that we don’t train them on the optic that half of them when they walk into their unit the first day and [receive it].”
Soldiers will also receive training on the AN/PAS-13 thermal weapon sightand the AN/PSQ-20 Enhanced Night Vision Goggle.
Soldiers will train with these system and their weapons “day and night with qualification associated,” Kendrick said.
The new program will also increase the amount of maneuver live-fire training soldiers receive.
“Everything from a buddy-team to a fire team to a squad, we are going to increase the time and sets and repetitions in getting them into live-firing, day and night,” Kendrick said. “Today when you do a fire-team, react to contact live fire, you do that twice — daytime only. At the end of this thing, when you are done, we will be doing live-fire [repetitions] on the magnitude of 20-plus.”
As with land navigation, Kendrick said, the time allotted for additional marksmanship training is not yet finalized.
“Like anything else, with being an infantryman, it’s sets and reps that make you proficient,” he said. “So now we are talking about the time to do that amount of sets and repetitions that will give them the foundation that can they can work in the rest of their career.”

MORE COMBATIVES AND FIRST AID TRAINING

Infantry OSUT trainees receive about 22 hours of combatives, or hand-to-hand combat training.
“We are going to take that to 40 hours,” Kendrick said. “At the end of 40 hours, we are going to take a level-one combatives test, so every soldier that leaves here will be level-one combatives certified.”
Level-one certification will ensure soldiers are practiced in basic holds instead of just being familiar with them, Kendrick said.
“We are talking about practicing and executing those moves.”
It will be the same with first aid training, he said.
Soldiers will spend eight days learning more combat lifesaver training, trauma first aid and “how to handle hot and cold-weather injuries … which cause more casualties than bullets do right now in some of these formations,” Kendrick said.
“You will have a soldier that understands combat lifesaver, first aid and trauma, all those things because right now you just get a little piece of that,” he said.
Infantry trainees will also receive more urban combat training and do a 16-mile road march instead of the standard 12-miler, Kendrick said.
The plan is to “assess this every week” during the pilot and make changes if needed, Kendrick said.
“Is it going to be enough? Do we need more? Those are all the things we are going to work out in this pilot,” he said. “In December, there will be a couple of 14-week companies that graduate at the same time, so part of this is to send both of those groups of soldiers out to units in the Army and get the units’ feedback on the product.”
The effort is designed to give soldiers more exposure to the infantry tasks that make a “solid infantryman here instead of making that happen at their first unit of assignment,” Kendrick said. “This is really going to produce that lethal soldier that can plug into his unit from day one.”
— Matthew Cox can be reached at matthew.cox@military.com.

Categories
The Green Machine

The Medal of Honor

Image result for us moh
This medal is the top of the heap of gallantry awards. When it comes time for the US Military to award somebody for acts of courage that almost amount to acts of insane courage in the face of the enemy.
Now this medal is very seldom awarded unlike most medals that the Military gives for services rendered. I myself have only seen one awardee in my several years of service.
All I know is that these folks are something really special and are some serious Badasses.Image result for edward carter
Sgt. Edward A. Carter Jr
So if you get a chance, you might want to read some of the citations given. I guarantee that it will humble your ideas about how tough you think that you are.
Here is some more information about this Medal.Image result for us moh
This why a lot of folks call this a dead man’s award!

Medal of Honor

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This article is about the US military award. For the video game franchise, see Medal of Honor (series). For other uses, see Medal of Honor (disambiguation).
Medal of Honor
Medalsofhonor2.jpg

Army, Navy, and Air Force versions of the Medal of Honor
Awarded by the President of the United Statesin the name of the U.S. Congress
Type U.S. military medal with neck ribbon
(Decoration)
Eligibility Military personnel only
Awarded for Conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of life above and beyond the call of duty
Status Currently awarded
Statistics
Established U.S. Navy: December 21, 1861
U.S. Army: July 12, 1862
U.S. Air Force: April 14, 1965
First awarded March 25, 1863: American Civil War, U.S. Army recipient
Last awarded July 31, 2017
Total awarded 3,516
Posthumous
awards
621
Distinct
recipients
3,497[
Precedence
Next (higher) None
Next (lower) Army: Distinguished Service Cross
Navy and Marine Corps: Navy Cross
Air Force: Air Force Cross
Coast Guard: Coast Guard Cross

The Medal of Honor is the United States of America’s highest and most prestigious personal military decoration that may be awarded to recognize U.S. military service members who distinguished themselves by acts of valor.
The medal is normally awarded by the President of the United States in the name of the U.S. Congress.
There are three versions of the medal, one for the Army, one for the Navy, and one for the Air Force.[6] Personnel of the Marine Corps and Coast Guard receive the Navy version.
U.S. awards, including the Medal of Honor, do not have post-nominal titles, and while there is no official abbreviation, the most common abbreviations are “MOH” and “MH”. The Medal of Honor is the oldest continuously issued combat decoration of the United States armed forces.
The Medal of Honor was created as a Navy version in 1861 named the “Medal of Valor”, and an Army version of the medal named the “Medal of Honor” was established in 1862 to give recognition to men who distinguished themselves “conspicuously by gallantry and intrepidity” in combat with an enemy of the United States.
Because the medal is presented “in the name of Congress”, it is often referred to as the “Congressional Medal of Honor”. However, the official name is “Medal of Honor”, which began with the U.S. Army’s version.
Within United States Code the medal is referred to as the “Medal of Honor”, and less frequently as “Congressional Medal of Honor”.
The President normally presents the Medal of Honor at a formal ceremony in Washington, D.C. which is intended to represent the gratitude of the American people, with posthumous presentations made to the primary next of kin.
According to the Medal of Honor Historical Society of the United States, there have been 3,516 Medals of Honor awarded to the nation’s soldiers, sailors, airmen, Marines, and Coast Guardsmen since the decoration’s creation, with just less than half of them awarded for actions during the four years of the American Civil War.
In 1990, Congress designated March 25 annually as “National Medal of Honor Day”.[17] Due to its prestige and status, the Medal of Honor is afforded special protection under U.S. law against any unauthorized adornment, sale, or manufacture, which includes any associated ribbon or badge.

History

1780: The Fidelity Medallion was a small medal worn on a chain around the neck, similar to a religious medal, that was awarded only to three militiamen from New York state, for the capture of John André, a British officer and spy connected directly to General Benedict Arnold during the American Revolutionary War. The capture saved the fort of West Point from the British Army.[citation needed]
1782: Badge of Military Merit: The first formal system for rewarding acts of individual gallantry by American soldiers was established by George Washington when he issued a field order on August 7, 1782, for a Badge of Military Merit to recognize those members of the Continental Army who performed “any singular meritorious action”.
This decoration is America’s first combat decoration and was preceded only by the Fidelity Medallion, the Congressional medal for Henry Lee awarded in September 1779 in recognition of his attack on the British at Paulus Hook, the Congressional medal for General Horatio Gates awarded in November 1777 in recognition of his victory over the British at Saratoga, and the Congressional medal for George Washington awarded in March 1776.[1][19][20]
Although the Badge of Military Merit fell into disuse after the American Revolutionary War, the concept of a military award for individual gallantry by members of the U.S. Armed Forces had been established.
1847: Certificate of Merit: After the outbreak of the Mexican-American War (1846–1848) a Certificate of Merit (Meritorious Service Citation Certificate) was established by Act of Congress on March 3, 1847 “to any private soldier who had distinguished himself by gallantry performed in the presence of the enemy”.
539 Certificates were approved for this period. The certificate was discontinued and reintroduced in 1876 effective from June 22, 1874 to February 10, 1892 when it was awarded for extraordinary gallantry by private soldiers in the presence of the enemy.
From February 11, 1892 through July 9, 1918 (Certificate of Merit disestablished) it could be awarded to members of the Army for distinguished service in combat or noncombat; from January 11, 1905 through July 9, 1918 the certificate was granted medal status as the Certificate of Merit Medal[21] (first awarded to a soldier who was awarded the Certificate of Merit for combat action on August 13, 1898).
This medal was later replaced by the Army Distinguished Service Medal which was established on January 2, 1918 (the Navy Distinguished Service Medal was established in 1919). Those Army members who held the Distinguished Service Medal in place of the Certificate of Merit could apply for the Army Distinguished Service Cross(established 1918) effective March 5, 1934.

Medal of Valor

Medal of Honor (without the suspension ribbon) awarded to Seaman John Ortega in 1864 (back view of medal).

 
The only military award or medal at the beginning of the Civil War (1861–1865) was the Certificate of Merit, which was awarded for the Mexican-American War.
In the fall of 1861, a proposal for a battlefield decoration for valor was submitted to Winfield Scott, the general-in-chief of the army, by Lt. Colonel Edward D. Townsend, an assistant adjutant at the War Department and Scott’s chief of staff.
Scott, however, was strictly against medals being awarded, which was the European tradition. After Scott retired in October 1861, the Secretary of the NavyGideon Welles, adopted the idea of a decoration to recognize and honor distinguished naval service.
On 9 December 1861, U.S. Senator (IowaJames W. Grimes, Chairman on the Committee on Naval Affairs,[22] proposed Public Resolution Number 82[23] (Bill 82: 37th Congress, Second Session, 12 Stat. 329) “to promote the efficiency of the Navy” which included a provision for a Navy Medal of Valor.]
Which was signed into law by President Abraham Lincoln on December 21, 1861 (Medal of Valor had been established for the Navy), “to be bestowed upon such petty officersseamenlandsmen, and marines as shall most distinguish themselves by their gallantry and other seamen-like qualities during the present war.”[]
Secretary Wells directed the Philadelphia Mint to design the new military decoration.[26][27][28] On May 15, 1862, the United States Navy Department ordered 175 medals ($1.85 each) with the words “Personal Valor” on the back from the U.S. Mint in Philadelphia.

Medal of Honor

Senator Henry Wilson, the chairman of the Senate Committee on Military Affairs, introduced a resolution on February 15, 1862 for an Army Medal of Honor. The resolution (37th Congress, Second Session, 12 Stat. 623) was approved by Congress and signed into law on July 12, 1862 (“Medals of Honor” were established for enlisted men of the Army).
This measure provided for awarding a medal of honor “to such non-commissioned officers and privates as shall most distinguish themselves by their gallantry in action and other soldier-like qualities during the present insurrection.”
During the war, Townsend would have some medals delivered to some recipients with a letter requesting acknowledgement of the “Medal of Honor”.
The letter written and signed by Townsend on behalf of the Secretary of War, stated that the resolution was “to provide for the presentation of medals of honor to the enlisted men of the army and volunteer forces who have distinguished or may distinguish themselves in battle during the present rebellion.”
 By mid-November the War Department contracted with Philadelphia silversmith William Wilson and Son, who had been responsible for the Navy design, to prepare 2,000 Army medals ($2.00 each) to be cast at the mint.
The Army version had “The Congress to” written on the back of the medal. Both versions were made of copper and coated with bronze, which “gave them a reddish tint”.[33][34]
1863: Congress made the Medal of Honor a permanent decoration. On March 3, Medals of Honor were authorized for officers of the Army[35][36] (37th Congress, Third Session, 12 Stat. 751). The Secretary of War first presented the Medal of Honor to six Union Army volunteers on March 25, 1863 in his office.[37]
1890: On April 23, the Medal of Honor Legion is established in Washington, D.C.[38][39][40]
1896: The ribbon of the Army version Medal of Honor was redesigned with all stripes being vertical.[41]
1904: The planchet of the Army version of the Medal of Honor was redesigned by General George Lewis Gillespie.[41] The purpose of the redesign was to help distinguish the Medal of Honor from other medals,[42] particularly the membership insignia issued by the Grand Army of the Republic.
1915: On March 3, Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard officers became eligible for the Medal of Honor.
1963: A separate Coast Guard medal was authorized in 1963, but not yet designed or awarded.[46]
1965: A separate design for a version of the medal for the U.S. Air Force was created in 1956, authorized in 1960, and officially adopted on April 14, 1965. Previously, members of the U.S. Army Air CorpsU.S. Army Air Forces, and the U.S. Air Force received the Army version of the medal.

Appearance

There are three versions of the Medal of Honor, one for each of the military departments of the Department of Defense: Army, Navy, and Air Force. Members of the Marine Corps and Coast Guard are eligible to receive the Navy version.
Each is constructed differently and the components are made from gilding metals and red brass alloys with some gold plating, enamel, and bronze pieces.
The United States Congress considered a bill in 2004 which would require the Medal of Honor to be made with 90% gold, the same composition as the lesser-known Congressional Gold Medal, but the measure was dropped.

Army Medal of Honor

Army version

The Army version is described by the Institute of Heraldry as “a gold five pointed star, each point tipped with trefoils, 1 12 inches [3.8 cm] wide, surrounded by a green laurel wreath and suspended from a gold bar inscribed VALOR, surmounted by an eagle.
In the center of the star, Minerva‘s head surrounded by the words UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. On each ray of the star is a green oak leaf. On the reverse is a bar engraved THE CONGRESS TO with a space for engraving the name of the recipient.”[49]
The pendant and suspension bar are made of gilding metal, with the eye, jump rings, and suspension ring made of red brass.[50] The finish on the pendant and suspension bar is hard enameled, gold plated, and rose gold plated, with polished highlights.

Navy, Marine, and Coast Guard Medal of Honor

Navy version

The Navy version is described as “a five-pointed bronze star, tipped with trefoils containing a crown of laurel and oak. In the center is Minerva, personifying the United States, standing with left hand resting on fasces and right hand holding a shield blazoned with the shield from the coat of arms of the United States. She repulses Discord, represented by snakes. The medal is suspended from the flukes of an anchor.” It is made of solid red brass, oxidized and buffed.

Air Force Medal of Honor

Air Force version

The Air Force version is described as “within a wreath of green laurel, a gold five-pointed star, one point down, tipped with trefoils and each point containing a crown of laurel and oak on a green background. Centered on the star, an annulet of 34 stars is a representation of the head of the Statue of Liberty.
The star is suspended from a bar inscribed with the word VALOR above an adaptation of the thunderbolt from the Air Force Coat of Arms.”[49] The pendant is made of gilding metal.[52] The connecting bar, hinge, and pin are made of bronze.[52] The finish on the pendant and suspension bar is hard enameled, gold plated, and rose gold plated, with buffed relief.[52]

Historical versions

The Medal of Honor has evolved in appearance over time. The upside-down star design of the Navy versions pendant adopted in early 1862 has not changed since its inception.
The Army 1862 version followed and was identical to the Navy version except an eagle perched atop cannons was used instead of an anchor to connect the pendant to the suspension ribbon.
In 1896, the Army version changed the ribbon’s design and colors due to misuse and imitation by nonmilitary organizations.[49]
In 1904, the Army “Gillespie” version introduced a smaller redesigned star and the ribbon was changed to the light blue pattern with white stars seen today.[49] In 1913, the Navy version adopted the same ribbon pattern.
After World War I, the Navy decided to separate the Medal of Honor into two versions, one for combat and one for non-combat. The original upside-down star was designated as the non-combat version and a new pattern of the medal pendant, in cross form, was designed by the Tiffany Company in 1919.
It was to be presented to a sailor or Marine who “in action involving actual conflict with the enemy, distinguish[es] himself conspicuously by gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty”[53] Despite the “actual conflict” guidelines—the Tiffany Cross was awarded to Navy CDR (later RADM) Richard E. Byrd and Floyd Bennett for arctic exploration.
The Tiffany Cross itself was not popular. In 1942, the Navy returned to using only the original 1862 inverted 5-point star design, and ceased issuing the award for non-combat action.[54]
In 1944, the suspension ribbons for both the Army and Navy version were replaced with the now familiar neck ribbon.[49]
When the Air Force version was designed in 1956, it incorporated similar elements and design from the Army version.
It used a larger star with the Statue of Liberty image in place of Minerva on the medal and changed the connecting device from an eagle to an heraldic thunderbolt flanked with wings as found on the service seal.[55][56]

Attachments area
Preview YouTube video The making of the military highest award, the Medal of Honor

Preview YouTube video 6 Surprising Medal Of Honor Perks

Categories
All About Guns The Green Machine War

Okay you win the Best BBQ Gun Contest !

Image result for USS Mississippi (BB-41)

The Battlewagon USS Mississippi (BB-41) fires her forward 14-inch guns. During the bombardment of Makin on 20 November 1943. Photographed from USS Baltimore (CA-68).”


My Dad saw what the Iowa Class Battleships did during his time in the Korean War. He said that a whole salvo of 9, 16 inch shells. Would literally lifted an entire hike from the ground.Image result for Iowa Class Battleships in korea
For some reason I do not doubt this war story of his on this subject.
Image result for USS Mississippi (BB-41)
What The Mississippi looked like in WWII

Categories
The Green Machine Well I thought it was funny!

Well I liked it!

Categories
The Green Machine Well I thought it was funny!

A Polish Bear Story

 
Dad and Woytek
In the spring of 1942 following the release of Polish prisoners and deportees in the labour camps in Siberia, the main route out of the Soviet Union was across the Caspian Sea to Persia or Iran as it is known today.  A new Polish Army was being formed in the Middle East under the command of the British and on their way to the organization area, a group of Polish soldiers came across a little bear in the mountainous region of Persia. The cub was an orphan following the death of his mother at the hands of hunters and he was traded to the soldiers by a shepherd boy who kept the bear in a sack.
Wojtek the Soldier BearThe animal was very small and the problem of feeding him was soon overcome by the improvised techniques employed by his new family including feeding him from on a bottle  filled with condensed milk. Eventually, they all arrived in Palestine and the bear was taken to the 22nd Transport Company, Artillery Division, Polish 2nd Corp where the men would become his companions for the next few years. He was given the name Wojtek, pronounced Voytek.
From the beginning he became a popular member of the Company spending most of his time with the soldiers of the 4th Platoon. Two of his closest friends were two young soldiers, Dymitr Szawlugo and Henryk Zacharewicz who would both be featured in many of the photos and film footage taken of Wojtek. He would often be found in the kitchen area and he ate everything he was fed and even developed a taste for beer and wine together with cigarettes which he would only accept when lit. He had a habit of drinking from a beer or wine bottle and when empty, he would peer into the bottle waiting patiently for more. He would usually take one puff of a lit cigarette and then swallow it.
Wojtek grew to become a very strong bear and was happy bathing and wrestling with his comrades. Only a few soldiers dared to take him on in a wrestling match as some times the men would get roughed up a bit by getting scratched or have their uniforms torn. The rest of the men were happy to watch. In Palestine, Wojtek became a hero one night by capturing a thief who had broken into an ammunition compound where the bear was sleeping. The Arab was shocked to find himself confronted by the animal and the commotion that ensued resulted in his arrest. Wojtek was quite satisfied with the reward of a bottle of beer.
Wojtek with SoldierWhen he was small, it was easy for Wojtek to ride in the cab of the transport vehicles but as he grew he would sit in the back with the supplies though he would often ride on one of the recovery trucks where there was more room to lie down during the long journeys and he could play by climbing up the crane. Wherever he went, Wojtek would attract attention and his antics would cause a sensation as he loved to entertain people. He made friends with a few of the other mascots including Kasha the monkey and Kirkuk the dog. Kasha died of a broken heart after her chronically sick baby lived for less than a year and Kirkuk did not survive a sting by a scorpion. Such an insect did sting Wojtek on the nose on one occasion and the men of the Company thought that he would not make it through. His close companion Henryk nursed him back to health and he did not leave his side for a couple of days. After he had recovered, he was back to his usual self.
As the Polish Army prepared to enter the war zone in Italy during 1943,  the problem confronting the Polish soldiers was the question of Wojtek’s status. Animals were not permitted to accompany the army during the fighting. By giving the bear his own paybook, rank and serial number there would be no question that he was on the list of soldiers. There was a minor problem during the embarkation prior to crossing the Mediteranean Sea but with his papers in order Wojtek would be on his way. In the Italian theatre,  the Polish 2nd Corp  soon prepared to break through the German defenses at Monte Cassino where it successfully captured the stronghold after much bitter fighting.
During the conflict, Wojtek found himself at the artillery firing line where he was seen to move crates of ammunition close to a truck where he was chained. Henryk had been assigned to take care of the bear that day but when he was ordered forward as an artillery spotter, he had to leave Wojtek alone. Always inquisitive and willing to copy what the soldiers were doing, he began picking up the crates and moving towards the cannons.  The sounds of gunfire did not concern him and he displayed courage in his willingness to participate in the action. After the battle, the official badge of the 22nd Transport Company became a likeness of Wojtek holding a shell. This symbol appeared on vehicles, pennants and on the uniforms of the soldiers.
The war ended in May 1945 and the Polish soldiers were eventually sent across Europe to Berwick Upon Tweed in England  where they stayed at Winfield Camp. As the soldiers went through a process of demobilization, they would say goodbye to Wojtek, many knowing that they would never see him again since their journeys would take them to distant parts of the globe. Wojtek found a home at Edinburgh Zoo where he became a popular attraction with many visitors including ex-Polish servicemen who would talk to him in their language. His death in 1963 was met with sadness from those who knew him and it was reported in newspapers and radio stations. His exploits and adventures have not been forgotten with numerous written accounts, memorials and statues. In a time when Polish soldiers had lost their country to the Nazis and later to the Communists, Wojtek became a symbol which the soldiers were proud of, themselves knowing that they would not soon return to a free homeland. He became part of the history of the Polish Armed forces in the Second World War and his legacy will endure.
© 2012 thesoldierbear.com
Categories
All About Guns Hard Nosed Folks Both Good & Bad The Green Machine

Yellow Hair & his Guns / General George Armstrong Custer USA, Class of 1861 – Dead Last!

Related image
Inline image 1
Image result for colt single action army ocelot
To say that this Officer is controversial would be a huge understatement. In that folks even now over a hundred years after his death at Little Big Horn. They are still talking about him.Image result for General Custer art
His grave at West PointImage result for General Custer grave
But enough of that! Since this is a blog about Guns. Here is some stuff I found about his guns. Enjoy! Grumpy
Image result for General Custer
Related image

TREASURES FROM OUR WEST: GEORGE ARMSTRONG CUSTER TARGET RIFLE

A Treasure from Our West: Target rifle that belonged to George Armstrong Custer. 1988.8.735

George Armstrong Custer’s target rifle. 1988.8.735

Originally published in Points West in Fall 2010

Target rifle that belonged to George Armstrong Custer

Although he did not take it with him on the ill-fated sojourn that ended in his death at the Battle of the Little Bighorn on June 25, 1876, this splendid .44 caliber Remington-Rider Long Range Creedmore Target Rifle was owned by Lieutenant Colonel George Armstrong Custer. His wife Elizabeth, known affectionately by Custer as “Miss Libbie,” reputedly gave it to him as a gift.
Mrs. Custer presented the rifle to the Winchester Repeating Arms Company in 1883 in memory of her husband, and the Olin Corporation donated it to the Cody Firearms Museum as part of the Winchester Arms Collection.
Image result for General Custer art

Remington-Rider Long Range Creedmore target rifle. Gift of Olin Corporation, Winchester Arms Collection. 1988

About Nancy McClure

Nancy works with electronic communications, including website, events, news, images, and social media. She produces the e-newsletter Western Wire, writes news releases, and assistant edits Points West magazine. In her spare time, Nancy enjoys photography, plays the flute, and is attempting to learn to play the piano.

Military Mystery: What was George Custer’s Last Gun?

by Garry James   |  October 3rd, 201143 Comments


 
 
 
 
For a good number of years there has been much speculation about what was Lt. Col George Armstrong Custer‘s last gun.
As he and most of his command  were killed during the Battle of Little Big Horn, everything has to be put together from spotty evidence, innuendo and guesswork. Here’s my take on the matter.
There is extant, a revealing 1870s-vintage photograph (below) of Custer and his wife, Libby, sitting in their library at Ft. Abraham Lincoln on the Missouri River, Dakota Territory.
In the far right corner is the Lt. Colonel’s gun rack. Four handguns can be seen—two Smith & Wesson No. 2s that had been presented to him by Major General J.B. Sutherland.
A percussion revolver which is most likely either a Colt 1861 Navy or Remington New Model Army that was given to him by Remington, and what strongly appears to be a Webley Royal Irish Constabulary revolver (pictured above).

One tradition persists that British sportsman Lord Berkeley Paget presented George Custer with a solid-frame Webley First Model Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) revolver on a buffalo hunt in 1869.
The British revolver in Custer’s gun rack follows the lines of the RIC much more closely than those of the Galand, which has a rather involved under-barrel extraction mechanism and slightly different grip than the Webley.

Over the years, for reasons we will mention later, it has been supposed Custer had a pair of nickel-plated RICs with ivory grips–but there is no question the gun in the Ft. Lincoln photograph has walnut grips and a darker, blued finish. Also, there is only one such gun showing, leading me to surmise that Custer, in fact, only had one RIC.
As both Smith & Wessons are displayed and there appear to be empty slots in the rack this supposition would appear to be confirmed. It was very unusual to see double-cased British cartridge revolvers at this period.
Of course there is always another explanation; that being the whole Berkeley Paget thing was something of a red herring and Custer either purchased the Webley himself, or it was given to him by someone else.
Just because a gun was made in England, doesn’t necessarily mean it had to come from an Englishman. British firearms of all types had been actively marketed in the States for decades prior to the 1870s.

Custer and Libby at Ft. Lincoln. Gun rack mentioned at the far right of the picture.

The Royal Irish Constabulary revolver, built by Birmingham, England gunmaker Philip Webley, took its name from the force that adopted it in 1868.
Image result for Royal Irish Constabulary revolver
This solid-frame double-action at one time or another was chambered in such calibers as .430, .442, .450, .476 and .44-40, among others.
While the military version of the gun had a four-inch barrel, over its long career the gun was also made in short barreled “Bulldog” versions.
“Bulldog” by the way is a British term going back at least to the latter part of the 18th century and along with “barker” and “snapper” was slang for a short-barreled, large caliber pistol.
Due to the date of presentation and/or the Ft. Lincoln photograph, there can be little doubt that Custer’s RIC would have been a First Model, recognizable by forward locking notches on the cylinder.
The caliber would unquestionably have been .442, for even though the British military had adopted the .450 round in 1868, this chambering was not offered in the RIC at the time of the surmised Berkeley Paget gifting.
After the battle Lt. Edward Godfrey, of K Company, 7th Cavalry, noted that during the expedition Custer was carrying “two Bulldog self-cocking, English white handled pistols with a ring in the butt for a lanyard.”
As we have determined, Custer’s RIC was blued with walnut grips and no lanyard ring, so it’s possible that Godfrey might have confused the Webley with the Smith & Wessons which were plated and had pearl grips, though they didn’t have lanyard rings either, and to be fair he did describe Custer’s other gear pretty accurately.
Too, the fact all of the guns seen in the gun rack are currently accounted, for with the exception of the Webley, adds more strong evidence to the assumption the RIC was the gun Custer probably had with him at Greasy Grass.
To date, no .442 cartridge cases have been found on the battlefield, but as things were getting pretty hot and heavy as the Indians approached the troopers at handgun range there’s a good chance that Custer might not have had time to fire off more than a cylinder-full of bullets.
This means that the empty cases could have still been in the gun when it was taken from the commander’s dead body by one of Sitting Bull’s best. Of course, there is also the very real possibility that he never even drew his revolver and used only his .50-70 Remington rifle. There is also the excellent chance he simply had a Colt SAA.
In any event, it is a mystery that will never be completely solved. The chances of the gun turning up with decent provenance after all these years are virtually nil.
Unearthing of spent .442 cases on the battlefield would certainly lend more veracity to Godfrey’s claims but as the round, while uncommon, was not unknown in the West at the time there is no way of conclusively proving they came from a revolver actually fired by Custer.Image result for art of paolo eleuteri serpieri

Read more: http://www.gunsandammo.com/blogs/history-books/what-was-custers-last-gun/#ixzz4xfJRaeCC
Related image
Related image
 

Here is some more information about this character:

George Armstrong Custer

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
“Custer” redirects here. For other uses, see Custer (disambiguation).
George Armstrong Custer
Custer Bvt MG Geo A 1865 LC-BH831-365-crop.jpg
Born December 5, 1839
New RumleyOhio
Died June 25, 1876 (aged 36)
Little BighornMontana
Buried Initially on the battlefield;
Later reinterred in West Point Cemetery
Allegiance United States of America
Union
Service/branch United States Army
Union Army
Years of service 1861–1876
Rank Lieutenant Colonel
Union army maj gen rank insignia.jpg Brevet Major General
Commands held Michigan Brigade
3rd Cavalry Division
2nd Cavalry Division
7th Cavalry Regiment
Battles/wars American Civil War

American Indian Wars

Awards see below
Spouse(s) Elizabeth Bacon Custer
Relations Thomas Custer, brother
Boston Custer, brother
James Calhoun, brother-in-law
Signature George Armstrong Custer signature.svg

George Armstrong Custer (December 5, 1839 – June 25, 1876) was a United States Army officer and cavalry commander in the American Civil War and the American Indian Wars. Raised in Michigan and Ohio, Custer was admitted to West Point in 1857, where he graduated last in his class in 1861. With the outbreak of the Civil War, Custer was called to serve with the Union Army.
Custer developed a strong reputation during the Civil War. He participated in the first major engagement, the First Battle of Bull Runon July 21, 1861, near Washington, D.C. His association with several important officers helped his career as did his success as a highly effective cavalry commander. Custer was brevetted to brigadier general at age 23, less than a week before the Battle of Gettysburg, where he personally led cavalry charges that prevented Confederate cavalry from attacking the Union rear in support of Pickett’s Charge. He was wounded in the Battle of Culpeper Court House in Virginia on September 13, 1863. In 1864, Custer was awarded another star and brevetted to major general rank. At the conclusion of the Appomattox Campaign, in which he and his troops played a decisive role, Custer was present at General Robert E. Lee‘s surrender to General Ulysses S. Grant, on April 9, 1865.
After the Civil War, Custer remained a major general in the United States Volunteers until they were mustered out in February 1866. He reverted to his permanent rank of captain and was appointed a lieutenant colonel in the 7th Cavalry Regiment in July 1866. He was dispatched to the west in 1867 to fight in the American Indian Wars. On June 25, 1876, while leading the 7th Cavalry Regiment at the Battle of the Little Bighorn in Montana Territory against a coalition of Native American tribes, he and all of his detachment—which included two of his brothers—were killed. The battle is popularly known in American history as “Custer’s Last Stand.” Custer and his regiment were defeated so decisively at the Little Bighorn that it has overshadowed all of his prior achievements.

Family and ancestry[edit]

Custer’s ancestors, Paulus and Gertrude Küster, emigrated to North America around 1693 from the Rhineland in Germany, probably among thousands of Palatine refugees whose passage was arranged by the English government to gain settlers.[1][2]
According to family letters, Custer was named after George Armstrong, a minister, in his devout mother’s hope that her son might join the clergy.[3]

Birth, siblings and childhood[edit]

Custer was born in New Rumley, Ohio, to Emanuel Henry Custer (1806–1892), a farmer and blacksmith, and his second wife, Marie Ward Kirkpatrick (1807–1882).[4] He had two younger brothers, Thomas Custer and Boston Custer, both of whom died with him on the battlefield at Little Bighorn. His other full siblings were the family’s youngest child, Margaret Custer, and Nevin Custer, who suffered from asthma and rheumatism. Custer also had three older half-siblings.[5] It was in this large, close knit family that Custer and his brothers acquired their life-long love of practical jokes.
Emanuel Custer was an outspoken Democrat who taught his children politics and toughness at an early age. In a February 3, 1887 letter to his son’s widow, Libby, he related an incident “when Autie [from his first attempts to pronounce his middle name] was about four years old. He had to have a tooth drawn, and he was very much afraid of blood. When I took him to the doctor to have the tooth pulled, it was in the night and I told him if it bled well it would get well right away, and he must be a good soldier. When he got to the doctor he took his seat, and the pulling began. The forceps slipped off and he had to make a second trial. He pulled it out, and Autie never even scrunched. Going home, I led him by the arm. He jumped and skipped, and said ‘Father you and me can whip all the Whigs in Michigan.’ I thought that was saying a good deal but I did not contradict him.” [6]

Early life[edit]

USMA Cadet George Armstrong “Autie” Custer, ca. 1859

Custer spent much of his boyhood living with his half-sister and brother-in-law in Monroe, Michigan, where he attended school. Before entering the United States Military Academy, Custer attended the McNeely Normal School, later known as Hopedale Normal College, in Hopedale, Ohio. While attending Hopedale, Custer and classmate William Enos Emery were known to have carried coal to help pay for their room and board. After graduating from McNeely Normal School in 1856, Custer taught school in Cadiz, Ohio.[7]
Custer entered West Point as a cadet on July 1, 1857, to become a member of the class of 1862. His class numbered seventy-nine cadets embarking on a five year course of study. With the outbreak of the American Civil War, the course was shortened to four years so that Custer and his class graduated on June 24, 1861. He was 34th in a class of 34 graduates: 23 classmates had dropped out for academic reasons while 22 classmates had resigned to join the Confederacy.[8]
Throughout his life, Custer tested boundaries and rules. In his four years at West Point, he amassed a record-total of 726 demerits, one of the worst conduct records in the history of the academy. A fellow cadet recalled Custer as declaring there were only two places in a class, the head and the foot, and since he had no desire to be the head, he aspired to be the foot. A roommate noted, “It was all right with George Custer, whether he knew his lesson or not: he simply did not allow it to trouble him.”[9] Under ordinary national conditions, Custer’s low class rank would represent a ticket to an obscure posting, but Custer had the fortune to graduate as the Civil War broke out. During his rocky tenure at the Academy, Custer came close to expulsion in each of his three years, due to excessive demerits. Many of these were awarded for pulling pranks on fellow cadets.[citation needed]

Civil War[edit]

McClellan and Pleasonton[edit]

Custer with ex-classmate, friend, and captured Confederate prisoner, Lieutenant James Barroll Washington, an aide to General Johnston, at Fair Oaks, Virginia, 1862

Custer was commissioned a second lieutenant in the 2nd U.S. Cavalry Regiment and was assigned to drilling volunteers in Washington, D.C. On July 21, 1861, he was with his regiment at the First Battle of Bull Run during the Manassas Campaign, where Army commander Winfield Scott detailed him to carry messages to Major General Irvin McDowell. After the battle, he continued participating in the defenses of Washington D.C. until October when he was sick and absent from his unit until February 1862. In March, he participated with the 2nd Cavalry in the Peninsula Campaign (March to August) in Virginia until April 4.
On April 5, he served in the 5th Cavalry Regiment and participated in the Siege of Yorktown, from April 5 to and May 4 and was aide to Major General George B. McClellan; McClellan was in command of the Army of the Potomac during the Peninsula Campaign. On May 24, 1862, during the pursuit of ConfederateGeneral Joseph E. Johnston up the Peninsula, when General Barnard and his staff were reconnoitering a potential crossing point on the Chickahominy River, they stopped, and Custer overheard his commander mutter to himself, “I wish I knew how deep it is.” Custer dashed forward on his horse out to the middle of the river and turned to the astonished officers of the staff and shouted triumphantly, “That’s how deep it is, Mr. General!” Custer then was allowed to lead an attack with four companies of the 4th Michigan Infantry across the Chickahominy River above New Bridge. The attack was successful, resulting in the capture of 50 Confederate soldiers and the seizing of the first Confederate battle flag of the war. McClellan termed it a “very gallant affair” and congratulated Custer personally. In his role as aide-de-camp to McClellan, Custer began his life-long pursuit of publicity.[10] Custer was promoted to the rank of captain on June 5, 1862. On July 17, he was reverted to the rank of first lieutenant. He participated in the Maryland Campaign in September to October, the Battle of South Mountain on September 14, the Battle of Antietam on September 17, and the March to Warrenton, Virginia in October.

Custer (extreme right) with President LincolnGeneral McClellanand other officers at the Battle of Antietam, 1862

On June 9, 1863, Custer became aide to Brevet Lieutenant Colonel Alfred Pleasonton, who was now commanding the Cavalry Corps, Army of the Potomac. Recalling his service under Pleasonton, Custer was quoted as saying that “no father could love his son more than General Pleasonton loves me.”[citation needed]Pleasonton’s first assignment was to locate the army of Robert E. Lee, moving north through the Shenandoah Valley in the beginning of what was to become the Gettysburg Campaign.

Brigade command[edit]

Custer (left) with General Pleasonton on horseback in Falmouth, Virginia

Custer (left) with Alfred Pleasonton in Autumn 1863

Pleasonton was promoted on June 22, 1863 to Major General of U.S. Volunteers. On June 29, after consulting with his new commander, George Meade, Pleasanton began replacing political generals with “commanders who were prepared to fight, to personally lead mounted attacks”.[11] He found just the kind of aggressive fighters he wanted in three of his aides: Wesley MerrittElon J. Farnsworth (both of whom had command experience) and George A. Custer. All received immediate promotions; Custer to brigadier general of volunteers, commanding the Michigan Cavalry Brigade (“Wolverines”).[12] Despite having no direct command experience, Custer became one of the youngest generals in the Union Army at age 23. Custer lost no time in implanting his aggressive character on his brigade, part of the division of Brigadier General Judson Kilpatrick.
Now a general officer, Custer had great latitude in choosing his uniform. Though often criticized as gaudy, it was more than personal vanity. “A showy uniform for Custer was one of command presence on the battlefield: he wanted to be readily distinguishable at first glance from all other soldiers. He intended to lead from the front, and to him it was a crucial issue of unit morale that his men be able to look up in the middle of a charge, or at any other time on the battlefield, and instantly see him leading the way into danger.” [13]
Some have claimed Custer’s leadership in battle as reckless or foolhardy. However, he “meticulously scouted every battlefield, gauged the enemies [sic] weak points and strengths, ascertained the best line of attack and only after he was satisfied was the ‘Custer Dash’ with a Michigan yell focused with complete surprise on the enemy in routing them every time.”[14]

Hanover and Abbottstown[edit]

On June 30, 1863, Custer and the First and Seventh Michigan Cavalry had just passed through Hanover, Pennsylvania, while the Fifth and Sixth Michigan Cavalry followed about seven miles behind. Hearing gunfire, he turned and started to the sound of the guns. A courier reported that Farnsworth’s Brigade had been attacked by rebel cavalry from side streets in the town. Reassembling his command, he received orders from Kilpatrick to engage the enemy northeast of town near the railway station. Custer deployed his troops and began to advance. After a brief firefight, the rebels withdrew to the northeast. This seemed odd, since it was supposed that Lee and his army were somewhere to the west. Though seemingly of little consequence, this skirmish further delayed Stuart from joining Lee. Further, as Captain James H. Kidd, commander of F troop, Sixth Michigan Cavalry, later wrote: “Under [Custer’s] skillful hand the four regiments were soon welded into a cohesive unit….” [15]
Next morning, July 1, 1863, they passed through Abbottstown, Pennsylvania, still searching for Stuart’s cavalry. Late in the morning they heard sounds of gunfire from the direction of Gettysburg. At Heidlersburg, Pennsylvania, that night they learned that General John Buford‘s cavalry had found Lee’s army at Gettysburg. The next morning, July 2, 1863, orders came to hurry north to disrupt General Richard S. Ewell‘s communications and relieve the pressure on the union forces. By mid afternoon, as they approached Hunterstown, Pennsylvania, they encountered Stuart’s cavalry.[16] Custer rode alone ahead to investigate and found that the rebels were unaware of the arrival of his troops. Returning to his men, he carefully positioned them along both sides of the road where they would be hidden from the rebels. Further along the road, behind a low rise, he positioned the First and Fifth Michigan Cavalry and his artillery, under the command of Lieutenant Alexander Cummings McWhorter Pennington, Jr. To bait his trap, he gathered A Troop, Sixth Michigan Cavalry, called out, “Come on boys, I’ll lead you this time!” and galloped directly at the unsuspecting rebels. As he had expected, the rebels, “more than two hundred horsemen, came racing down the country road” after Custer and his men. He lost half of his men in the deadly rebel fire and his horse went down, leaving him on foot.[17] He was rescued by Private Norvell Francis Churchill of the 1st Michigan Cavalry, who galloped up, shot Custer’s nearest assailant, and pulled Custer up behind him.[18] Custer and his remaining men reached safety, while the pursuing rebels were cut down by slashing rifle fire, then canister from six canons. The rebels broke off their attack, and both sides withdrew.
After spending most of the night in the saddle, Custer’s brigade arrived at Two Taverns, Pennsylvania roughly five miles southeast of Gettysburg around 3 A. M. July 3, 1863. There he was joined by Farnsworth’s brigade. By daybreak they received orders to protect Meade’s flanks. He was about to experience perhaps his finest hours during the war.

Gettysburg[edit]

Lee’s battle plan, shared with less than a handful of subordinates, was to defeat Meade through a combined assault by all of his resources. Longstreet would attack Cemetery Hill from the west, Stuart would attack Culp’s Hill from the southeast and Ewell would attack Culps’ Hill from the north. Once the Union forces holding Culp’s Hill had collapsed, the rebels would “roll up” the remaining Union defenses on Cemetery Ridge. To accomplish this, he sent Stuart with six thousand cavalrymen and mounted infantry on a long, flanking maneuver.[19]
By mid-morning, Custer had arrived at the intersection of Old Dutch road and Hanover Road. He was later joined by Brigadier General David McMurtrie Gregg, who had him deploy his men at the northeast corner. Custer then sent out scouts to investigate nearby wooded areas. Gregg, meanwhile, placed Colonel John Baillie McIntosh‘s brigade near the intersection and sent the rest of his command to picket duty along two miles to the southwest. After making additional deployments, that left 2,400 cavalry under McIntosh and 1,200 under Custer, together with Colonel Alexander Cummings McWhorter Pennington, Jr.‘s and Captain Alanson Merwin Randol‘s artillery, a total of ten three-inch guns.
About noon Custer’s men heard cannon fire, Stuart’s signal to Lee that he was in position and had not been detected. About the same time Gregg received a message warning that a large body of rebel cavalry had moved out the York Pike and might be trying to get around the Union right. A second message, from Pleasonton, ordered Gregg to send Custer to cover the Union far left. Since Gregg had already sent most of his force off to other duties, it was clear to both Gregg and Custer that Custer must remain. They had about 2700 men facing 6000 Confederates.
Soon afterward fighting broke out between the skirmish lines. Stuart ordered an attack by his mounted infantry under General Albert G. Jenkins, but the Union line- men from the First Michigan cavalry, the First New Jersey Cavalry and the Third Pennsylvania Cavalry– held. Stuart ordered Jackson’s four gun battery into action. Custer ordered Pennington to answer. After a brief exchange in which two of Jackson’s guns were destroyed, there was a lull.
About one o’clock, the massive Confederate artillery barrage in support of the upcoming assault on Cemetery Ridge began. Jenkins’ men renewed the attack, but soon ran out of ammunition and fell back. Resupplied, they again pressed the attack. Outnumbered, the Union cavalry fell back, firing as they went. Custer sent most of his Fifth Michigan cavalry ahead on foot, forcing Jenkins’ men to fall back. Jenkins’ men were reinforced by about 150 sharpshooters from General Fitzhugh Lee‘s brigade and, shortly after, Stuart ordered a mounted charge by the Ninth Virginia Cavalry and the Thirteenth Virginia Cavalry. Now it was Custer’s men who were running out of ammunition. The Fifth Michigan was forced back and the battle was reduced to vicious, hand-to-hand combat.
Seeing this, Custer mounted a counter- attack, riding ahead of the fewer than 400 new troopers of the Seventh Michigan Cavalry, shouting, “Come on, you Wolverines!” As he swept forward, he formed a line of squadrons five ranks deep- five rows of eighty horsemen side by side- chasing the retreating rebels until their charge was stopped by a wood rail fence. The horses and men became jammed into a solid mass and were soon attacked on their left flank by the dismounted Ninth and Thirteenth Virginia Cavalry and on the right flank by the mounted First Virginia cavalry. Custer extricated his men and raced south to the protection of Pennington’s artillery near Hanover Road. The pursuing Confederates were cut down by canister, then driven back by the remounted Fifth Michigan Cavalry. Both forces withdrew to a safe distance to regroup.
It was then about three o’clock. The artillery barrage to the west had suddenly stopped. Union soldiers were surprised to see Stuart’s entire force about a half mile away, coming toward them, not in line of battle, but “formed in close column of squadrons… A grander spectacle than their advance has rarely been beheld”.[20] Stuart recognized he now had little time to reach and attack the Union rear along Cemetery Ridge. He must make one, last effort to break through the Union cavalry.
Stuart passed by McIntosh’s cavalry- the First New Jersey, Third Pennsylvania and Company A of Purnell’s Legion- posted about half way down the field, with relative ease. As he approached, they were ordered back into the woods, without slowing down Stuart’s column, “advancing as if in review, with sabers drawn and glistening like silver in the bright sunlight….” [21]
Stuart’s last obstacle was Custer, with four hundred veteran troopers of the First Michigan Cavalry, directly in his path. Outnumbered but undaunted, Custer rode to the head of the regiment, “drew his saber, threw off his hat so they could see his long yellow hair” and shouted… “Come on, you Wolverines!”[22] Custer formed his men in line of battle and charged. “So sudden was the collision that many of the horses were turned end over end and crushed their riders beneath them….”[23] As the Confederate advance stopped, their right flank was struck by troopers of the Fifth, Sixth and Seventh Michigan. McIntosh was able to gather some of his men from the First New Jersey and Third Pennsylvania and charged the rebel left flank. “Seeing that the situation was becoming critical, I [Captain Miller] turned to [Lieutenant Brooke-Rawle] and said: “I have been ordered to hold this position, but, if you will back me up in case I am court-martialed for disobedience, I will order a charge.”[24] The rebel column disintegrated into individual saber and pistol fights.
Within twenty minutes the combatants heard the sound of the Union artillery opening up on Pickett’s men. Stuart knew that whatever chance he had of joining the Confederate assault was gone. He withdrew his men to Cress Ridge.[25]
Custer’s brigade lost 257 men at Gettysburg, the highest loss of any Union cavalry brigade.[26] “I challenge the annals of warfare to produce a more brilliant or successful charge of cavalry”, Custer wrote in his report.[27] “For Gallant And Meritorious Services”, he was awarded a regular army brevet promotion to Major.

Marriage[edit]

George and Libbie Custer, 1864

On February 9, 1864, Custer married Elizabeth Clift Bacon (1842–1933), whom he had first seen when he was ten years old.[28] He had been socially introduced to her in November 1862, when home in Monroe on leave. She was not initially impressed with him,[29] and her father, Judge Daniel Bacon, disapproved of Custer as a match because he was the son of a blacksmith. It was not until well after Custer had been promoted to the rank of brevet brigadier general that he gained the approval of Judge Bacon. He married Elizabeth Bacon fourteen months after they formally met.[30]
In November 1868, following the Battle of Washita River, Custer was alleged (by Captain Frederick Benteen, chief of scouts Ben Clark, and Cheyenne oral tradition) to have unofficially married Mo-nah-se-tah, daughter of the Cheyenne chief Little Rock in the winter or early spring of 1868–1869 (Little Rock was killed in the one-day action at Washita on November 27).[31] Mo-nah-se-tah gave birth to a child in January 1869, two months after the Washita battle. Cheyenne oral history tells that she also bore a second child, fathered by Custer in late 1869. Some historians, however, believe that Custer had become sterile after contracting gonorrhea while at West Point and that the father was, in actuality, his brother Thomas.[32] A descendant of the second child, who goes by the name Gail Custer, wrote a book about the affair.[33] Clarke’s description in his memoirs included the statement, “Custer picked out a fine looking one and had her in his tent every night.”[34]

The Valley and Appomattox[edit]

In 1864, with the Cavalry Corps of the Army of the Potomac reorganized under the command of Major General Philip Sheridan, Custer (now commanding the 3rd Division) led his “Wolverines” to the Shenandoah Valley where by the year’s end they defeated the army of Confederate Lieutenant General Jubal Early in the Valley Campaigns of 1864. During May and June, Sheridan and Custer (Captain, 5th Cavalry, May 8 and Brevet Lieutenant Colonel, May 11) took part in cavalry actions supporting the Overland Campaign, including the Battle of the Wilderness (after which Custer ascended to divisioncommand), and the Battle of Yellow Tavern (where J.E.B. Stuart was mortally wounded). In the largest all-cavalry engagement of the war, the Battle of Trevilian Station, in which Sheridan sought to destroy the Virginia Central Railroadand the Confederates’ western resupply route, Custer captured Hampton’s divisional train, but was then cut off and suffered heavy losses (including having his division’s trains overrun and his personal baggage captured by the enemy) before being relieved. When Lieutenant General Early was then ordered to move down the Shenandoah Valley and threaten Washington, D.C., Custer’s division was again dispatched under Sheridan. In the Valley Campaigns of 1864, they pursued the Confederates at the Third Battle of Winchester and effectively destroyed Early’s army during Sheridan’s counterattack at Cedar Creek.
Sheridan and Custer, having defeated Early, returned to the main Union Army lines at the Siege of Petersburg, where they spent the winter. In April 1865 the Confederate lines finally broke, and Robert E. Lee began his retreat to Appomattox Court House, pursued by the Union cavalry. Custer distinguished himself by his actions at WaynesboroDinwiddie Court House, and Five Forks. His division blocked Lee’s retreat on its final day and received the first flag of truce from the Confederate force. Custer was present at the surrender at Appomattox Court House and the table upon which the surrender was signed was presented to him as a gift for his wife by General Philip Sheridan, who included a note to her praising Custer’s gallantry. She treasured the gift of the historical table, which is now in the Smithsonian Institution.[35]
On April 25, after the war officially ended, Custer had his men search for, then illegally seize a large, prize racehorse “Don Juan” near Clarksville, Virginia, worth then an estimated $10,000 (several hundred thousand today), along with his written pedigree. Custer rode Don Juan in the grand review victory parade in Washington, D.C. on May 23, creating a sensation when the scared thoroughbred bolted. The owner, Richard Gaines, wrote to General Grant, who then ordered Custer to return the horse to Gaines, but he did not, instead hiding the horse and winning a race with it the next year, before the horse died suddenly.[36]

Promotions and ranks[edit]

Custer’s promotions and ranks including his six brevet [temporary] promotions which were all for gallant and meritorious services at five different battles and one campaign:[37]
Second Lieutenant, 2nd Cavalry: June 24, 1861
First Lieutenant, 5th Cavalry: July 17, 1862
Captain Staff, Additional Aide-De-Camp: June 5, 1862
Brigadier General, U.S. Volunteers: June 29, 1863
Brevet Major, July 3, 1863 (Battle of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania)
Captain, 5th Cavalry: May 8, 1864
Brevet Lieutenant Colonel: May 11, 1864 (Battle of Yellow Tavern – Combat at Meadow)
Brevet Colonel: September 19, 1864(Battle of Winchester, Virginia)
Brevet Major General, U.S. Volunteers: October 19, 1864 (Battle of Winchester and Fisher’s Hill, Virginia)
Brevet Brigadier General, U.S. Army, March 13, 1865 (Battle of Five Forks, Virginia)
Brevet Major General, U.S. Army: March 13, 1865 (The campaign ending in the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia)
Major General, U.S. Volunteers: April 15, 1865
Mustered out of Volunteer Service: February 1, 1866
Lieutenant Colonel, 7th Cavalry: July 28, 1866 (killed at the Battle of the Little Bighorn, June 25, 1876)

Reconstruction duties in Texas[edit]

On June 3, 1865, at Sheridan’s behest, Major General Custer accepted command of the 2nd Division of Cavalry, Military Division of the Southwest, to march from Alexandria, Louisiana, to Hempstead, Texas, as part of the Union occupation forces. Custer arrived at Alexandria on June 27 and began assembling his units, which took more than a month to gather and remount. On July 17, he assumed command of the Cavalry Division of the Military Division of the Gulf (on August 5, officially named the 2nd Division of Cavalry of the Military Division of the Gulf), and accompanied by his wife, he led the division (five regiments of veteran Western Theater cavalrymen) to Texas on an arduous 18-day march in August. On October 27, the division departed to Austin. On October 29, Custer moved the division from Hempstead to Austin, arriving on November 4. Major General Custer became Chief of Cavalry of the Department of Texas, from November 13 to February 1, 1866, succeeding Major General Wesley Merritt.
During his entire period of command of the division, Custer encountered considerable friction and near mutiny from the volunteer cavalry regiments who had campaigned along the Gulf coast. They desired to be mustered out of Federal service rather than continue campaigning, resented imposition of discipline (particularly from an Eastern Theater general), and considered Custer nothing more than a vain dandy.[38][39]
Custer’s division was mustered out beginning in November 1865, replaced by the regulars of the U.S. 6th Cavalry Regiment. Although their occupation of Austin had apparently been pleasant, many veterans harbored deep resentments against Custer, particularly in the 2nd Wisconsin Cavalry, because of his attempts to maintain discipline. Upon its mustering out, several members planned to ambush Custer, but he was warned the night before and the attempt thwarted.[40]

American Indian Wars[edit]

Brevet Major General George Armstrong Custer, United States Army, 1865

Custer (left) posing with Grand Duke Alexei Alexandrovich of Russia, 1872

Custer and his wife at Fort Abraham LincolnDakota Territory, 1874

On February 1, 1866, Major General Custer mustered out of the U.S. volunteer service and took an extended leave of absence and awaited orders to September 24.[41] He explored options in New York City,[42] where he considered careers in railroads and mining.[43] Offered a position (and $10,000 in gold) as adjutant general of the army of Benito Juárez of Mexico, who was then in a struggle with the Mexican Emperor Maximilian I (a satellite ruler of French Emperor Napoleon III), Custer applied for a one-year leave of absence from the U.S. Army, which was endorsed by Grant and Secretary of War Stanton. Sheridan and Mrs. Custer disapproved, however, and when his request for leave was opposed by U.S. Secretary of State William H. Seward, who was against having an American officer commanding foreign troops, Custer refused the alternative of resignation from the Army to take the lucrative post.[43][44]
Following the death of his father-in-law in May 1866, Custer returned to Monroe, Michigan, where he considered running for Congress. He took part in public discussion over the treatment of the American South in the aftermath of the Civil War, advocating a policy of moderation.[43] He was named head of the Soldiers and Sailors Union, regarded as a response to the hyper-partisan Grand Army of the Republic (GAR). Also formed in 1866, it was led by Republican activist John Alexander Logan. In September 1866 Custer accompanied President Andrew Johnson on a journey by train known as the “Swing Around the Circle” to build up public support for Johnson’s policies towards the South. Custer denied a charge by the newspapers that Johnson had promised him a colonel’s commission in return for his support, but Custer had written to Johnson some weeks before seeking such a commission. Custer and his wife stayed with the president during most of the trip. At one point Custer confronted a small group of Ohio men who repeatedly jeered Johnson, saying to them: “I was born two miles and a half from here, but I am ashamed of you.”[45]
On July 28, 1866, Custer was appointed lieutenant colonel of the newly created 7th Cavalry Regiment,[46] which was headquartered at Fort RileyKansas.[47] He served on frontier duty at Fort Riley from October 18 to March 26, and scouted in Kansas and Colorado to July 28. 1867. He took part in Major General Winfield Scott Hancock‘s expedition against the Cheyenne. On June 26, Lt. Lyman Kidder’s party, made up of ten troopers and one scout, were massacred while en route to Fort Wallace. Lt. Kidder was to deliver dispatches to Custer from General Sherman, but his party was attacked by Lakota Sioux and Cheyenne (see Kidder massacre). Days later, Custer and a search party found the bodies of Kidder’s patrol.
Following the Hancock campaign, Custer was arrested and suspended at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas to August 12, 1868 for being AWOL, after having abandoned his post to see his wife. At the request of Major General Sheridan, who wanted Custer for his planned winter campaign against the Cheyenne, Custer was allowed to return to duty before his one-year term of suspension had expired and joined his regiment to October 7, 1868. He then went on frontier duty, scouting in Kansas and Indian Territoryto October 1869.
Under Sheridan’s orders, Custer took part in establishing Camp Supply in Indian Territory in early November 1868 as a supply base for the winter campaign. On November 27, 1868, Custer led the 7th Cavalry Regiment in an attack on the Cheyenne encampment of Chief Black Kettle — the Battle of Washita River. Custer reported killing 103 warriors and some women and children; 53 women and children were taken as prisoners. Estimates by the Cheyenne of their casualties were substantially lower (11 warriors plus 19 women and children).[48] Custer had his men shoot most of the 875 Indian ponies they had captured.[49] The Battle of Washita River was regarded as the first substantial U.S. victory in the Southern Plains War, and it helped force a significant portion of the Southern Cheyenne onto a U.S.-assigned reservation.
In 1873, Custer was sent to the Dakota Territory to protect a railroad survey party against the Lakota. On August 4, 1873, near the Tongue River, Custer and the 7th Cavalry Regiment clashed for the first time with the Lakota. One man on each side was killed. In 1874 Custer led an expedition into the Black Hills and announced the discovery of gold on French Creek near present-day Custer, South Dakota. Custer’s announcement triggered the Black Hills Gold Rush. Among the towns that immediately grew up was Deadwood, South Dakota, notorious for lawlessness.

Grant, Belknap and politics[edit]

Further information: Trader post scandal

Lieutenant Colonel George A. Custer, 7th U.S. Cavalry, ca. 1875

In 1875, the Grant administration attempted to buy the Black Hills region from the Sioux. When the Sioux refused to sell, they were ordered to report to reservations by the end of January, 1876. Mid-winter conditions made it impossible for them to comply. The administration labeled them “hostiles” and tasked the Army with bringing them in. Custer was to command an expedition planned for the spring, part of a three-pronged campaign. While Custer’s expedition marched west from Fort Abraham Lincoln, near present-day Mandan, North Dakota, troops under Colonel John Gibbon were to march east from Fort Ellis, near present-day Bozeman, Montana while a force under General George Crook was to march north from Fort Fetterman, near present-day Douglas, Wyoming.
Custer’s 7th Cavalry was originally scheduled to leave Fort Abraham Lincoln on April 6, 1876, but on March 15 he was summoned to Washington to testify at congressional hearings. Rep. Hiester Clymer‘s Committee was investigating alleged corruption involving Secretary of War William W. Belknap (who had resigned March 2), President Grant’s brother Orvil and traders granted monopolies at frontier Army posts.[50] It was alleged that Belknap had been selling these lucrative trading post positions where soldiers were required to make their purchases. Custer himself had experienced first hand the high prices being charged at Fort Lincoln.[51]
Concerned that he might miss the coming campaign, Custer did not want to go to Washington. He asked to answer questions in writing, but Clymer insisted.[52] Recognizing that his testimony would be explosive, Custer tried “to follow a moderate and prudent course, avoiding prominence.” [53] Despite his care, his testimony was a sensation: Custer was sharply criticized by the Republican press and loudly praised by the Democratic press.
After Custer testified on March 29 and April 4, Belknap was impeached and the case sent to the Senate for trial. Custer asked the impeachment managers to release him from further testimony. With the help of a request from his superior, Brigadier General Alfred Terry, Commander of the Department of Dakota, he was excused. Then President Ulysses S. Grant intervened.
The Congressional investigation had created a serious rift with Grant. Custer had written articles published anonomously in The New York Herald that exposed trader post kickback rings and implied that Belknap was behind the rings. Moreover, during the investigation, Custer testified on hearsay evidence that President Grant’s brother Orvil was involved. Grant had also not forgotten that Custer had once arrested his son Fred for drunkenness. Infuriated, Grant decided to retaliate by stripping Custer of his command in the upcoming campaign.
General Terry protested, saying he had no available officers of rank qualified to replace Custer. Both Sheridan and Sherman wanted Custer in command but had to support Grant. General Sherman, hoping to resolve the issue, advised Custer to meet personally with President Grant before leaving Washington. Three times Custer requested meetings with Grant, but each request was refused.[54]
Finally, Custer gave up and took a train to Chicago on May 2, planning to rejoin his regiment. A furious Grant ordered Sheridan to arrest Custer for leaving Washington without permission. On May 3, a member of Sheridan’s staff arrested Custer as he arrived in Chicago.[55] The arrest sparked public outrage. The New York Herald called Grant the “modern Caesar” and asked, “Are officers… to be dragged from railroad trains and ignominiously ordered to stand aside until the whims of the Chief magistrate … are satisfied?”[56]
Grant relented but insisted that Terry- not Custer- personally command the expedition. Terry met Custer in St. Paul, Minnesota on May 6. He later recalled, “(Custer) with tears in his eyes, begged for my aid. How could I resist it?”[57] Terry wrote to Grant attesting to the advantages of Custer’s leading the expedition. Sheridan endorsed his effort, accepting Custer’s “guilt” and suggesting his restraint in future.
Grant was already under pressure for his treatment of Custer. His administration worried that if the “Sioux campaign” failed without Custer, then Grant would be blamed for ignoring the recommendations of senior Army officers. On May 8, Custer was told that he would lead the expedition, but only under Terry’s direct supervision.
Elated, Custer told General Terry’s chief engineer, Captain Ludlow, that he would “cut loose” from Terry and operate independently.[58]

Battle of the Little Bighorn[edit]

By the time of Custer’s Black Hills expedition in 1874, the level of conflict and tension between the U.S. and many of the Plains Indians tribes (including the Lakota Sioux and the Cheyenne) had become exceedingly high. European-Americans continually broke treaty agreements and advanced further westward, resulting in violence and acts of depredation by both sides. To take possession of the Black Hills (and thus the gold deposits), and to stop Indian attacks, the U.S. decided to corral all remaining free Plains Indians. The Grant government set a deadline of January 31, 1876 for all Lakota and Arapaho wintering in the “unceded territory” to report to their designated agencies (reservations) or be considered “hostile”.[59]
The 7th Cavalry, Custer commanding, departed from Fort Abraham Lincoln on May 17, 1876, part of a larger army force planning to round up remaining free Indians. Meanwhile, in the spring and summer of 1876, the Hunkpapa Lakota holy man Sitting Bull had called together the largest ever gathering of Plains Indians at Ash Creek, Montana (later moved to the Little Bighorn River) to discuss what to do about the whites.[60] It was this united encampment of Lakota, Northern Cheyenne, and Arapaho Indians that the 7th met at the Battle of the Little Bighorn in the Crow Indian Reservation[61]created in old Crow Country. (In the Fort Laramie Treaty (1851), the valley of the Little Bighorn is in the heart of the Crow Indian treaty territory and accepted as such by the Lakota, the Cheyenne and the Arapaho).[62] The Lakotas were staying in the valley without consent from the Crow tribe,[63] which sided with the Army to expel the Indian invaders.[64]

Custer and Bloody Knife (kneeling left), Custer’s favorite Indian Scout

About June 15, Reno, while on a scout, discovered the trail of a large village on the Rosebud River.[65] On June 22, Custer’s entire regiment was detached to follow this trail. On June 25, some of Custer’s Crow Indian scouts identified what they claimed was a large Indian encampment in the valley near the Little Bighorn River. Custer had first intended to attack the Indian village the next day, but since his presence was known, he decided to attack immediately and divided his forces into three battalions: one led by Major Marcus Reno, one by Captain Frederick Benteen, and one by himself. Captain Thomas M. McDougall and Company B were with the pack train. Reno was sent north to charge the southern end of the encampment, Custer rode north, hidden to the east of the encampment by bluffs and planning to circle around and attack from the north,[66][67] and Benteen was sent south and west to cut off any attempted escape by the Indians.
Reno began a charge on the southern end of the village but halted some 500–600 yards short of the camp, and had his men dismount and form a skirmish line.[68] They were soon overcome by mounted Lakota and Cheyenne warriors who counterattacked en masse against Reno’s exposed left flank,[69] forcing Reno and his men to take cover in the trees along the river. Eventually, however, this position became untenable, and the troopers were forced into a bloody retreat up onto the bluffs above the river, where they made their own stand.[70][71] This, the opening action of the battle, cost Reno a quarter of his command.
Custer may have seen Reno stop and form a skirmish line as Custer led his command to the northern end of the main encampment, where he apparently planned to sandwich the Indians between his attacking troopers and Reno’s command in a “hammer and anvil” maneuver.[72] According to Grinnell’s account, based on the testimony of the Cheyenne warriors who survived the fight,[73] at least part of Custer’s command attempted to ford the river at the north end of the camp but were driven off by stiff resistance from Indian sharpshooters firing from the brush along the west bank of the river. From that point the soldiers were pursued by hundreds of warriors onto a ridge north of the encampment. Custer and his command were prevented from digging in by Crazy Horse, however, whose warriors had outflanked him and were now to his north, at the crest of the ridge.[74] Traditional white accounts attribute to Gall the attack that drove Custer up onto the ridge, but Indian witnesses have disputed that account.[75]

Hurrah boys, we’ve got them! We’ll finish them up and then go home to our station.

—Famous words reportedly said by General Custer shortly before being killed.[76]

For a time, Custer’s men appear to have been deployed by company, in standard cavalry fighting formation—the skirmish line, with every fourth man holding the horses, though this arrangement would have robbed Custer of a quarter of his firepower. Worse, as the fight intensified, many soldiers could have taken to holding their own horses or hobbling them, further reducing the 7th’s effective fire. When Crazy Horse and White Bull mounted the charge that broke through the center of Custer’s lines, pandemonium may have broken out among the soldiers of Calhoun’s command,[77] though Myles Keogh‘s men seem to have fought and died where they stood. According to some Lakota accounts, many of the panicking soldiers threw down their weapons[78] and either rode or ran towards the knoll where Custer, the other officers, and about 40 men were making a stand. Along the way, the warriors rode them down, counting coup by striking the fleeing troopers with their quirts or lances.[79]
Initially, Custer had 208 officers and men under his command, with an additional 142 under Reno, just over 100 under Benteen, 50 soldiers with Captain McDougall’s rearguard, and 84 soldiers under 1st Lieutenant Edward Gustave Mathey with the pack train. The Lakota-Cheyenne coalition may have fielded over 1800 warriors.[80] Historian Gregory Michno settles on a low number around 1000, based on contemporary Lakota testimony, but other sources place the number at 1800 or 2000, especially in the works by Utley and Fox. The 1800–2000 figure is substantially lower than the higher numbers of 3000 or more postulated by Ambrose, Gray, Scott, and others. Some of the other participants in the battle gave these estimates:

  • Spotted Horn Bull – 5,000 braves and leaders
  • Maj. Reno – 2,500 to 5,000 warriors
  • Capt. Moylan – 3,500 to 4,000
  • Lt. Hare – not under 4,000
  • Lt. Godfrey – minimum between 2,500 and 3,000
  • Lt. Edgerly – 4,000
  • Lt. Varnum – not less than 4,000
  • Sgt. Kanipe – fully 4,000
  • George Herendeen – fully 3,000
  • Fred Gerard – 2,500 to 3,000

An average of the above is 3,500 Indian warriors and leaders.[81]
As the troopers were cut down, the native warriors stripped the dead of their firearms and ammunition, with the result that the return fire from the cavalry steadily decreased, while the fire from the Indians constantly increased. The surviving troopers apparently shot their remaining horses to use as breastworks for a final stand on the knoll at the north end of the ridge. The warriors closed in for the final attack and killed every man in Custer’s command. As a result, the Battle of the Little Bighorn has come to be popularly known as “Custer’s Last Stand”.

Death[edit]

It is unlikely any Native American recognized Custer during or after the battle. Michno summarizes: “Shave Elk said ‘We did not suspect that we were fighting Custer and did not recognize him either alive or dead.’ Wooden Leg said no one could recognize any enemy during the fight, for they were too far away. The Cheyennes did not even know a man named Custer was in the fight until weeks later. Antelope said none knew of Custer being at the fight until they later learned of it at the agencies. Thomas Marquis learned from his interviews that no Indian knew Custer was at the Little Bighorn fight until months later. Many Cheyennes were not even aware that other members of the Custer family had been in the fight until 1922, when, Marquis said, he himself first informed them of that fact.”[82]
Nevertheless, several individuals claimed personal responsibility for the killing, including White Bull of the MiniconjousRain-in-the-Face, Flat Lip, and Brave Bear.[83] In June 2005, at a public meeting, Northern Cheyenne storytellers said that according to their oral tradition, Buffalo Calf Road Woman, a Northern Cheyenne heroine of the Battle of the Rosebud, struck the final blow against Custer, which knocked him off his horse before he died.[84]
A contrasting version of Custer’s death is suggested by the testimony of an Oglala named Joseph White Cow Bull, according to novelist and Custer biographer Evan Connell, who relates that Joseph White Bull stated he had shot a rider wearing a buckskin jacket and big hat at the riverside when the soldiers first approached the village from the east. The initial force facing the soldiers, according to this version, was quite small (possibly as few as four warriors) yet challenged Custer’s command. The rider who was hit was mounted next to a rider who bore a flag and had shouted orders that prompted the soldiers to attack, but when the buckskin-clad rider fell off his horse after being shot, many of the attackers reined up. The allegation that the buckskin-clad officer was Custer, if accurate, might explain the supposed rapid disintegration of Custer’s forces.[85] However, several other officers of the Seventh, including William Cooke and Tom Custer, were also dressed in buckskin on the day of the battle, and the fact that each of the non-mutilation wounds to George Custer’s body (a bullet wound below the heart and a shot to the left temple) would have been instantly fatal casts doubt on his being wounded or killed at the ford, more than a mile from where his body was found.[86] The circumstances are, however, consistent with David Humphreys Miller‘s suggestion that Custer’s attendants would not have left his dead body behind to be desecrated.[87]
During the 1920s, two elderly Cheyenne women spoke briefly with oral historians about their having recognized Custer’s body on the battlefield and had stopped a Sioux warrior from desecrating the body. The women were relatives of Mo-nah-se-tah‘s, who was alleged to have been Custer’s one-time lover. In the Cheyenne culture of the time, such a relationship was considered a marriage. The women allegedly told the warrior: “Stop, he is a relative of ours,” and then shooed him away. The two women then shoved their sewing awls into his ears to permit Custer’s corpse to “hear better in the afterlife” because he had broken his promise to Stone Forehead never to fight against Native Americans again.[88]
When the main column under General Terry arrived two days later, the army found most of the soldiers’ corpses stripped, scalped, and mutilated.[89][90] Custer’s body had two bullet holes, one in the left temple and one just below the heart.[91]Capt. Benteen, who inspected the body, stated that in his opinion the fatal injuries had not been the result of .45 caliber ammunition, which implies the bullet holes had been caused by ranged rifle fire.[92] Some time later, Lieutenant Edward S. Godfrey described Custer’s mutilation, telling Charles F. Bates that “an arrow had been forced up his penis.”[93]
The bodies of Custer and his brother Tom were wrapped in canvas and blankets, then buried in a shallow grave, covered by the basket from a travois held in place by rocks. When soldiers returned a year later, the brothers’ grave had been broken into by animals and the bones scattered. “Not more than a double handful of small bones were picked up.”[94]Custer was reinterred with full military honors at West Point Cemetery on October 10, 1877. The battle site was designated a National Cemetery in 1876.

Controversial legacy[edit]

George A. Custer in civilian clothes, ca. 1876

Public relations and media coverage during his lifetime[edit]

Custer has been called a “media personality“,[95][96] and he valued good public relations and used the print media of his era effectively. He frequently invited journalists to accompany his campaigns (one, Associated Press reporter Mark Kellogg, died at the Little Bighorn), and their favorable reporting contributed to his high reputation, which lasted well into the latter 20th century.
Custer enjoyed writing, often writing all night long. He wrote a series of magazine articles of his experiences on the frontier, which were published book form as My Life on the Plains in 1874. The work is still a valued primary source for information on US-Native relations.

Posthumous legacy[edit]

After his death, Custer achieved lasting fame. The public saw him as a tragic military hero and exemplary gentleman who sacrificed his life for his country.
Custer’s wife, Elizabeth, who had accompanied him in many of his frontier expeditions, did much to advance this view with the publication of several books about her late husband: Boots and Saddles, Life with General Custer in Dakota,[97] Tenting on the Plains, or General Custer in Kansas and Texas[98] and Following the Guidon.[99] The deaths of Custer and his troops became the best-known episode in the history of the American Indian Wars, due in part to a painting commissioned by the brewery Anheuser-Busch as part of an advertisingcampaign. The enterprising company ordered reprints of a dramatic work that depicted “Custer’s Last Stand” and had them framed and hung in many United States saloons. This created lasting impressions of the battle and the brewery’s products in the minds of many bar patrons.[100] Henry Wadsworth Longfellow wrote an adoring (and in some places, erroneous) poem.[101] President Theodore Roosevelt‘s lavish praise pleased Custer’s widow.[102]
President Grant, a highly successful general but recent antagonist, criticized Custer’s actions in the battle of the Little Bighorn. Quoted in the New York Herald on September 2, 1876, Grant said, “I regard Custer’s Massacre as a sacrifice of troops, brought on by Custer himself, that was wholly unnecessary – wholly unnecessary.”[103] General Phillip Sheridan likewise took a harsh view of Custer’s final military actions.[citation needed]
General Nelson Miles (who inherited Custer’s mantle of famed Indian fighter) and others praised him as a fallen hero betrayed by the incompetence of subordinate officers. Miles noted the difficulty of winning a fight “with seven-twelfths of the command remaining out of the engagement when within sound of his rifle shots.”[104]
The assessment of Custer’s actions during the American Indian Wars has undergone substantial reconsideration in modern times. Documenting the arc of popular perception in his biography Son of the Morning Star (1984), author Evan Connell notes the reverential tone of Custer’s first biographer Frederick Whittaker (whose book was rushed out the year of Custer’s death.)[105] Connell concludes:

These days it is stylish to denigrate the general, whose stock sells for nothing. Nineteenth-century Americans thought differently. At that time he was a cavalier without fear and beyond reproach.[106]

Criticism and controversy[edit]

When writing about Custer, neutral ground is elusive. What should Custer have done at any of the critical junctures that rapidly presented themselves, each now the subject of endless speculation and rumination? There will always be a variety of opinions based upon what Custer knew, what he did not know, and what he could not have known…

—from Touched by Fire: The Life, Death, and Mythic Afterlife of George Armstrong Custer by Louise Barnett.[103]

The controversy over blame for the disaster at Little Bighorn continues to this day. Major Marcus Reno‘s failure to press his attack on the south end of the Lakota/Cheyenne village and his flight to the timber along the river, after a single casualty, have been cited as a factor in the destruction of Custer’s battalion, as has Captain Frederick Benteen‘s allegedly tardy arrival on the field, and the failure of the two officers’ combined forces to move toward the relief of Custer.[107]Some of Custer’s critics have asserted tactical errors.[citation needed]

  • While camped at Powder River, Custer refused the support offered by General Terry on June 21, of an additional four companies of the Second Cavalry. Custer stated that he “could whip any Indian village on the Plains” with his own regiment, and that extra troops would simply be a burden.
  • At the same time, he left behind at the steamer Far West, on the Yellowstone, a battery of Gatling guns, knowing he was facing superior numbers. Before leaving the camp all the troops, including the officers, also boxed their sabers and sent them back with the wagons.[108]
  • On the day of the battle, Custer divided his 600-man command, despite being faced with vastly superior numbers of Sioux and Cheyenne.
  • The refusal of an extra battalion reduced the size of his force by at least a sixth, and rejecting the firepower offered by the Gatling guns played into the events of June 25 to the disadvantage of his regiment.[109]

Custer’s defenders, however, including historian Charles K. Hofling, have asserted that Gatling guns would have been slow and cumbersome as the troops crossed the rough country between the Yellowstone and the Little Bighorn.[110] Custer rated speed in gaining the battlefield as essential and more important. Other Custer supporters[who?] have claimed that splitting the forces was a standard tactic, so as to demoralize the enemy with the appearance of the cavalry in different places all at once, especially when a contingent threatened the line of retreat.

Monuments and memorials[edit]

Custer Memorial at his birthplace in New Rumley, Ohio

Monroe, Michigan, Custer’s childhood home, unveiled the George Armstrong Custer Equestrian Monument in 1910

Miscellany[edit]

In addition to “Autie” Custer acquired a number of nicknames. During the Civil War, after his promotion to become the youngest Brigadier General in the Army at age 23, the press frequently called him “The Boy General”. During his years on the Great Plains in the American Indian Wars, his troopers often referred to him with grudging admiration as “Iron Butt” and “Hard Ass” for his physical stamina in the saddle and his strict discipline, as well as with the more derisive “Ringlets” for his long, curling blond hair.[113]
Custer was quite fastidious in his grooming. Early in their marriage, Libbie wrote, “He brushes his teeth after every meal. I always laugh at him for it, also for washing his hands so frequently.”[114]
He was 5’11” tall, wore a size 38 jacket and size 9C boots.[115] At various times he weighed between 143 pounds (at the end of the 1869 Kansas campaign)[116] to a muscular 170 pounds. A splendid horseman, “Custer mounted was an inspiration.”.[117] He was quite fit: able to jump to a standing position from lying flat on his back! He was a ‘power sleeper: able to get by on very short naps after falling asleep immediately on lying down.[118] He “had a habit of throwing himself prone on the grass for a few minutes’ rest and resembled a human island, entirely surrounded by crowding, panting dogs.”[119]
Throughout his travels, he gathered geological specimens, sending them to the University of Michigan. On September 10, 1873, he wrote Libbie, “the Indian battles hindered the collecting, while in that immediate region it was unsafe to go far from the command….”[120]
He was well-liked by his native scouts, whose company he enjoyed. He often ate with them. A May 21, 1876 diary entry by Kellogg records, ‘General Custer visits scouts; much at home amongst them.”[121]
Before leaving the steamer Far West for the final leg of the journey, Custer wrote all night. His Orderly, John Burkman stood guard in front of his tent and on the morning of June 22, 1876, found him ‘hunched over on the cot, just his coat and his boots off, and the pen still in his hand.[122]
During his service in Kentucky, Custer bought several thoroughbred horses. He took two on his last campaign, Vic (for Victory) and Dandy. During the march he changed horses every three hours.[123] He rode Vic into his last battle.
Custer took his two staghounds- Tuck and Bleuch- with him during the last expedition. He left them with his orderly, John Burkman, when he rode forward into battle. Burkman joined the packtrain. He regretted not accompanying Custer, but lived until 1925, when he took his own life.[124]
The common media image of Custer’s appearance at the Last Stand- buckskin coat and long, curly blonde hair- is wrong. Although he and several other officers wore buckskin coats on the expedition, they took them off and packed them away because it was so hot. According to Soldier, an Arikara scout, “Custer took off his buckskin coat and tied it behind his saddle.”[125] Further, Custer- whose hair was thinning- joined a similarly balding Lieutenant Varnum and “had the clippers run over their heads” before leaving Fort Lincoln.[126]

Dates of rank[edit]

Insignia Rank Date Component
None Cadet 1 July 1857 United States Military Academy
Union army 2nd lt rank insignia.jpg Second Lieutenant 24 June 1861 Regular Army
Union army cpt rank insignia.jpg Captain 5 June 1862 Temporary aide de camp
Union army 1st lt rank insignia.jpg First Lieutenant 17 July 1862 Regular Army
Union army brig gen rank insignia.jpg Brigadier General 29 June 1863 Volunteers
Union army maj rank insignia.jpg Brevet Major 3 July 1863 Regular Army
Union army cpt rank insignia.jpg Captain 8 May 1864 Regular Army
Union Army LTC rank insignia.png Brevet Lieutenant Colonel 11 May 1864 Regular Army
Union Army colonel rank insignia.png Brevet Colonel 19 September 1864 Regular Army
Union army brig gen rank insignia.jpg Brevet Brigadier general 13 March 1865 Regular Army
Union army maj gen rank insignia.jpg Brevet Major General 13 March 1865 Regular Army
Union army maj gen rank insignia.jpg Major General 15 April 1865 Volunteers (Mustered out on 1 February 1866.)
Union Army LTC rank insignia.png Lieutenant Colonel 28 July 1866 Regular Army
Categories
Born again Cynic! The Green Machine War Well I thought it was funny!

French Passport!

Related image

Categories
The Green Machine War

THE BATTLE FOR BELLEAU WOOD (1918) One Hundred Years ago today!

Image result for battle of chateau thierry
The Battle of Château-Thierry was fought on July 18, 1918 and was one of the first actions of the American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) under General John J. “Black Jack” Pershing.
Scott Belleau Wood.jpg
It was a battle in World War I as part of the Second Battle of the Marne, initially prompted by a German offensive launched on 15 July against the AEF, an expeditionary force consisting of troops from both the Army and Marine Corps, and the newest troops on the front.Related image
On the morning of 18 July 1918, the French (some of them colonial)   and American forces between Fontenoy and Château-Thierry launched a counter-assault under the overall direction of Allied généralissime Ferdinand Foch against the German positions.
This assault on a 40 km (25 mi) wide front was the first in over a year. The American army played a role fighting for the regions around Soissons and Château-Thierry, in collaboration with predominantly French forces.
The allied forces had managed to keep their plans a secret, and their attack at 04:45 took the Germans by surprise when the troops went “Over the Top” without a preparatory artillery bombardment, but instead followed closely behind a rolling barrage which began with great synchronized precision.
Eventually, the two opposing assaults (lines) inter-penetrated and individual American units exercised initiative and continued fighting despite being nominally behind enemy lines.[2]

Background

Despite the revolution in Russia, fortune seemed to favor the Allies with the arrival of the Americans to France. However, these troops needed time to train before they could be combat effective.
Recognizing the window of opportunity, Ludendorff consolidated the manpower freed up from the Eastern Front to conduct Operation Michael in order to split the Allies’ lines. The successes of the German Stormtroopers infiltration tactics earned Germany approximately 40 miles of territory. But the offensive lost momentum when it surpassed its supply lines.
Up to this point, American General Pershing refused to hand over American divisions to either the British or French armies, insisting on keeping them together as one army. But in the face of the German onslaught, Pershing relented and sent a portion of his army to assist the French in blocking the German advance.[3]:7–10

Prelude[edit]

Looking to defeat the British occupied in Flanders, Ludendorff sought to divert the Allies’ French reserves away from the region. In his Operation Blucher, Ludendorff aimed some of his forces at the Chemin des Dames and took the French Sixth Army by surprise.
Driving on, the Germans were soon at the Marne River, situated under 50 miles from Paris. With Marshal Ferdinand Foch unable to acquire British assistance, General Pershing’s chief of operation, Colonel Fox Conner, recognized the gravity of the situation and ordered the 3rd Division to block them.[3]:39–41[4]

Battle

The 3rd Division occupied the main bridge on the south bank of the Marne that led in Chateau Thierry on May 31 as the French 10th Colonial Division rendezvoused with them from the north bank. The Americans positioned their machine guns to cover the French retreat, and had a unit led by Lt John Bissell situated north of the second bridge. The French spent the night adding explosives to the bridges to destroy them. Early the following morning, on June 1, the Germans advanced into Chateau Thierry from the north, forcing the French to the main bridge, which they defended with the support of American machine-gun fire. The French succeeded in destroying the bridge as the Americans kept up their fire on the Germans. Lt. Bissell’s group was still on the north side of the Marne. They worked their way back to the secondary bridge in-between American machine-gun fire and made it across, along with a group of Germans that were captured shortly afterwards. From the north of the Marne on June 2, the Germans engaged in heavy artillery and sniper fire against the Allies. They made an attempt to take the remaining bridge but were forced to end the assault as the casualties rose.[3]:41–42

Memorials[edit]

After World War I, a memorial was built on Hill 204, 2 miles (3 km.) west of the town for which it is named. The Château-Thierry Monument, designed by Paul P. Cret of Philadelphia, was constructed by the American Battle Monuments Commission “to commemorate the sacrifices and achievements of American and French fighting men in the region, and the friendship and cooperation of French and American forces during World War I.”[5]
There is also a monument in front of the Bronx County Courthouse in New York City that was presented by the American Legion on November 11, 1940. The monument consists of the “Keystone from an arch of the old bridge at Chateau Thierry,” which the monument notes was “Gloriously and successfully defended by American troops.”[6]
The first Filipino to die in World War I was Private Tomas Mateo Claudio who served with the U.S. Army as part of the American Expeditionary Forces to Europe. He died in the Battle of Chateau Thierry in France on June 29, 1918.[7][8] The Tomas Claudio Memorial College in Morong Rizal, Philippines, which was founded in 1950, was named in his honor.[9]

References[edit]

  1. Jump up^ http://www.kumc.edu/wwi/index-of-essays/american-military-operations-and-casualties.html
  2. Jump up^ Edwin L. James (1918). “A Description of the Battle of Chateau-Thierry”New York Times Current History. New York Times. Archived from the original on 6 June 2009. Retrieved 2009-06-22.
  3. Jump up to:a b c David Bonk (2007). Chateau Thierry and Belleau Wood 1918: America’s baptism of fire on the Marne. Great Britain: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84603-034-5. Retrieved 31 October 2016.
  4. Jump up^ Eisenhower, John S.D. (2001). Yanks: The Epic Story of the American Army in World War I. New York: The Free Press. pp. 136–137. ISBN 0-684-86304-9.
  5. Jump up^ “Aisne-Marne American Cemetery and Memorial” (PDF). American Battle Monuments Commission, U.S. Government. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2009-07-04. Retrieved 2009-06-22.
  6. Jump up^ “An overlooked memorial”. Matt at I’m Just Walkin’. Retrieved 2014-11-15.
  7. Jump up^ Zena Sultana-Babao, America’s Thanksgiving and the Philippines’ National Heroes Day: Two Holidays Rooted in History and Tradition, Asian Journal, retrieved 2008-01-12
  8. Jump up^ Source: Philippine Military Academy
  9. Jump up^ “Schools, colleges and Universities: Tomas Claudio Memorial College”. Manila Bulletin Online. Archived from the original on 2007-07-07. Retrieved 2007-07-04.
    – “Tomas Claudio Memorial College”. www.tcmc.edu.ph. Retrieved 2007-07-04.

The Story of the American Expeditionary Forces



CHATEAU – THIERRY

U.S. Marine Corps

THE    BATTLE

FOR
BELLEAU  WOOD

 
 

At Belleau Wood

 

Quick Facts | Background  | Chronology |
A First Hand Account |

Quick Facts

Where:    The Aisne-Marne Sector, 5 miles immediately northwest of the town of Chateau-Thierry on the River Marne.
Check the Location on a Map of the Western Front
When:    June 1 – 26, 1918
AEF Units Participating:   Under command of the XXI Corps of the Sixth French Army – Second Division: 4th [Marine] Brigade, 2nd Engineers; Third Division: Elements of 7th Infantry Regiment
Click Here To See the disposition of 2nd Forces around Belleau Wood.
Opposing Forces:    From German Army Group Crown Prince – In Belleau Wood – the 461st Regiment of the German 237th Division; At Bouresches – elements of the 10th Division; Later reinforcements included elements of the 197th, 87th and 28th German Divisions.
Memorable As:      The first battle where the AEF experienced the heavy casualties associated with the Great War; the embodiment of U.S. Marine Corps determination and dedication; and a signal to both allies and adversaries that America was on the Western Front to fight.

Background

The Hunting Lodge within Belleau Wood
Note the Temporary US Graves

Explaining the Battle for Belleau Wood is a doubly difficult challenge. The three-week long action was simply a confused mess tactically. None of the participants ever quite knew where they, the front line or the enemy were inside that mile-square dark forest. This has made it almost impossible to create an hour-by-hour account of what transpired during the action.
Also, for eighty years, Belleau Wood has been the source of a number of disputes and controversies. Some writers, like Historian/Novelist Thomas Fleming, feel the battle should have never been fought, that American commanders should have seen the predictable outcome given the bloody results of similar assaults against other densely wooded patches on the Somme and in the Ypres Salient. Thus, the American generals should have resisted French orders to mount the attack. When the fight was still being waged, Army regulars began resenting the way the Marine Corps circumvented AEF news management to get their story told while the contributions of army units at Chateau-Thierry were unreported. Thus, military historians have put the tactics and methods applied at Belleau Wood under a very strong microscope. But also, there is considerable criticism laid at the feet of 4th Brigade Commander James Harbord, a Pershing favorite from the Army, for his lack of appreciation for the need to apply concentrated artillery fire to the task of clearing the wood and his piecemeal tactics.
The Editors of the Doughboy Center cannot resolve any of these issues. But, we want to give the readers an appreciation of what transpired at Belleau Wood during those grim days and we also want to make sure the contributions of all the participants are respected. We will try to do this by giving a day-by-day chronology of the major events of the battle and also share excerpts from the first hand account of one of its best known participants. Also, in our standard Sources and Thanks sections, we will list some of the best resources on Belleau Wood including some internet links.

Chronology: Belleau Wood, Day-by-Day

1 June 1918
2nd Division troops dig in along a defensive line just north of the village of Lucy-le-Bocage. Marine Captain Lloyd Williams when advised to withdraw, replies, “Retreat, Hell! We just got here!” Capt. Williams would not survive the ensuing battle.
The line was centered on Lucy-le-Bocage. Although the initial disposition of troops was haphazard at first due the emergency, the front settled eventually with the 5th Marines to the west and the 6th Marines to the east. Most of the units deployed without machineguns in support. At Les Mares Farm, members of 2nd Bn, 5th Marines began to show the Germans the effects of long distance marksmanship.
2 June 1918
Vanguard of the German advance reaches Belleau Wood.
3 June 1918
Units of German 237th Division occupy Belleau Wood.
4 June 1918
Determined German assault against American line turned back. .There as significant failure in coordination between 2dn Bn, 5th Marines around Les Mares Farm and 1st Bn, 5th Marine, on the right of 2/5’s position near Champillon. The German attack failed to take advantage of this gap between the units and attacked directly against the farm. By this time, the divisional artillery brigade and machinegun battalions had arrived. Many Marines, however, were feeling hungry because their kitchens were still stuck on the road trying to catchup. The failure of the attack on 4 June at the farm is generally acknowledged a the high water mark of the German offensive. It is the closest the Germans got to Paris, about 50 miles away. Future Commandant, Lt. Lemuel Shepard distinguished himself as the 55th Company defended the farm itself.
5 June 1918
French XXI Corps commander orders the 2nd Division to recapture of Belleau Wood indicating the enemy only holds a corner of the Wood. The main assault falls to the unit in that sector, the 4th [Marine] Brigade of the 2nd Division. Actually, the German Army had taken the entire wood and turned it into a bastion. No reconnaissance is made to confirm the position of the opposition.
6 June 1918
Arguably, this was the most catastrophic day in Marine Corps history to this date. Two assaults take place. At 0500, the 1st Battalion, 5th Marine Regiment attacks west of Belleau Wood straightening the front and capturing strategic Hill 142 to support an assault on the wooded area. The attack was successful despite the lack of preparation and poor timing. It went off with only 2 companies and timely arrival of the other two avoided a defeat. Gunnery Sgt E. A. Janson’s was awarded a Medal of Honor for his service in this assault. A member of Capt. Hamilton’s 49th Co., he was responsible for effectively stopping a German counterattack.
Twelve hours later battalions of the 5th and 6th Marine Regiments frontally assault the woods from the south and west and attempt to capture Bouresches on the east edge of the woods. This afternoon attack was to be coordinated between the 3rd Batt, 5th Marines [3/5] and 3rd Batt, 6th Marines [3/6] with the latter eventually taking the village of Bouresches.
The attack against the woods proper goes grimly. Crossing a wheat field where they are exposed to machine gun fire. Gunnery Sgt Dan Daly asks his men, “Come on ya sons-of-bitches, ya want to live forever?’ The attack is only able to seize a small corner of the wood. The army 2nd Engineer Regiment is called on to provide reinforcements.
The poorly coordinated attack on the woods left the 3/5 decimated and the 3/6 struggling to get into the southern edge of the woods. The Brigade order was amended and the 2/6 (in reserve around Triangle Farm) was directed to take Bouresches. Capt Duncan’s 96th Company led the way with future Corps Commandant Lt. Clifton Cates. Lead elements of the company got into the village and were then reinforced by Capt Zane’s 79th Company. The retention of the village was a real struggle due to the fact that the Marine flanks were wide-open fields and any attempt to reinforce received heavy German fire. Personal bravery kept the Marines supplied with needed supplies. US Navy Dental Service Officer Lt. JG. Weedon Osborne’s received the Medal of Honor after being killed trying to save Capt Duncan. Today there is street in Bouresches named for him.
In addition to the village, the Brigade was directed to take the railroad station just outside. However, it was heavily manned and protected by a railroad embankment providing the Germans excellent fields of fire and the attack failed. On this day, the Marine Brigade suffered the worst single day’s casualties in USMC history with 1087 men killed or wounded.
7 June 1918
Mostly a quiet day as US forces prepare to renew the offensive and the German units bring in relief.
8 June 1918
A renewed American assault fails to gain ground.
9 June 1918
Orders are issued for an attack the next morning. Late in the evening the assault units move into position.
10 June 1918
New attacks at 4:30 am with first use of heavy artillery. Units deep in the woods are ordered to withdraw to the south edge of the trees to avoid the shelling.
11 June 1918
The assault following the bombardment succeeds in capturing two-thirds of Belleau Wood, but again with heavy casualties. A battalion commander, Lt. Col. Frederick Wise erroneously reports his men were in control of the woods, but has misread his maps and position. Brigade Commander James Harbord requests relief for his men reporting their near physical exhaustion. Another Navy medical officer Lt Orlando Petty received the Medal of Honor for his service this day.
12 June 1918
Brigade command holds a council of war and conclude the German hold on the northern third of the wood is tenuous. An attack at 6 pm achieves a breakthrough, but they are now exposed.
13 June 1918
Marines plug the line in their exposed area. German counterattack begins supported by the artillery from three divisions and almost recaptures Bouresches. Heavy gas casualties. A planned relief of 2/5 goes for naught as 2/6 is caught in the open by a artillery barrage with gas. Gunnery Sgt F. Stockham is nominated for the Medal of Honor for putting his gas mask on a wounded Marine while continuing to assist others. Stockham died a few days later from the effects of the gas, but his medal was not awarded until 1939 following a unit reunion at which it was discovered that the recommendation from the then Lt. Clifton Cates was never acted on.
14 June 1918
Continued German counterattack fails. The 23rd Infantry extends its line to the edge of Bouresches freeing up Marines for the woods.
15 June 1918
Heavy bombardment from Germans.

Marines from Belleau Being Relieved June 16th

16 June 1918
Relief of Marine Units by 3rd Division’s 7th Infantry.
17 June 1918
Three battalions of the 7th Infantry deploy in the woods under 5th Marines commander Colonel Wendell Neville.
18 June 1918
Series attacks and maneuvers by 7th Infantry begin, All fail with Army officers complaining about tactics ordered of them.
19 June 1918
Continuous operations by 7th Infantry.
20 June 1918
French III Corps assumes direction of the sector.
21 June 1918
The last battalion-scale attack by Army units fail leaving the woods open. 7th Infantry deployments hit with heavy bombardment and machine gun fire.
22 June 1918
Marine units back in line replacing 7th Infantry relief forces. French commanders reiterate demands that the woods be seized.
23 June 1918
3rd Battalion of 5th Regiment begins final assault with minimal gains and terrible losses. Two hundred ambulances are needed to evacuate the wounded.
24 June 1918
French command commits sufficient artillery to reduce the woods. The guns are brought in to prepare for a renewed assault.
25 June 1918
Major 14-hour bombardment starting at 0300 makes clearance of the remaining woods possible. The following attack swamps the remaining machine gun outposts of the enemy. Marines and Army machine-gunners participate in the assault.
26 June 1918
After beating off some early morning counterattacks, Major Maurice Shearer sends signal, “Woods now entirely — US Marine Corps.”

The Battle for Belleau Wood –
A First Hand Account

From Colonel Frederick May Wise’s description of Bois de Belleau. Newly promoted Lt. Col. Wise was the commander of the 2nd Battalion of the 5th Marines at Belleau Wood. His incorrect report that the woods were occupied on June 11th was a serious error. He was, however, a fine combat reporter. Excerpts from his account of the battle are included here to give the reader a sense of the experience of the Battle for Belleau Wood. Wise’s remarks have been considerably abridged and the action line is somewhat disjointed in what follows.

Fifth Marine Mascot Jimmy the Anteater
with a Leatherneck Pal in Calmer Times

Just past noon, a runner came up the road with orders from Colonel Neville. We were to proceed to the northeast edge of the woods, which were northwest of Lucy-le-Bocage, and await orders.
By two o’clock that afternoon we were under way, going across open fields. High in the air I saw several German sausages (observation balloons). I knew those woods were going to catch hell shortly. In about an hour we were newly established on their edge. This time I had the men scatter well among the trees. I warned them especially against bunching up. We settled down again to wait for orders.
Along toward ten o’clock that night the German shelling started. They gave those woods hell. The Germans were pouring everything they had into that ridge. It didn’t take any urging for the Marines to get into fox holes the minute they knew we were going to hold it. But though the Germans didn’t launch any infantry attack, they kept up a continuous shelling with all the artillery in range, and poured an unceasing stream of machine-gun and rifle fire against that ridge. Everywhere up and down the line, masses of earth, chunks of rock, splinters of trees, leaped into the air as the shells exploded. Machine-gun and rifle bullets thudded into the earth unendingly. That place was getting warm.
Clinging to the crest of that ridge, we found the German shells bad enough. But there was worse to come. They had trench mortars in the Bois de Belleau, and presently they began to cut loose on us with them. Those aerial torpedoes, nearly four feet long, packed with T.N.T., would come sailing through the air and land on the ridge. That whole ridge literally shook every time one of them exploded.
All that day the bombardment kept up. It was the most terrific fire I had ever experienced. At night it slackened somewhat, only to resume next morning. It kept up all next day. Some gas shells fell, too, but the gas wasn’t bad enough to make us put on our masks. Why the Germans didn’t attack and break through that line of ours I never will be able to understand. All that second day we took the shelling in our faces and held the line. That night, thank God, it slackened again.
From where we sat we could see the ground where the attack was to be formed, and they’d have plenty of time to explain to the junior officers and men exactly what was to be done. The whole thing depended on getting across the Lucy-Torcy road before daybreak and making a rapid advance to the northern edge of the woods. The First Battalion was to relieve us at midnight. I had seen Major Turrill about it personally, so that the relief would be made rapidly and without noise.
Late that afternoon . . . I also went over and saw Major John A. Hughes, commanding the First Battalion of the Sixth Marines, who had made the last attack on the southern edge of Bois de Belleau and was still holding it. Major Hughes confirmed my idea that it was almost an impossible task to take that position by frontal attack. He told me a lot, too, about what the German defenses were. In that clump of woods covering a knoll a mile long and a half mile wide, rising sharply from the fields that surrounded it, was an outcrop of huge boulders cut with gullies and ravines, and with underbrush so thick in it that men could pass a few feet from each other, unseen. In that tangle were machine-guns camouflaged behind brush heaps and woodpiles, back of boulders and in shell proof pits under boulders. Snipers on the ground and in the tree tops. Picked German veterans who were fighting desperately.
I went back to the ridge after my talk with him, thankful that I had a free hand and could hit them from the rear instead of having to make a frontal attack.” “Night came on. I sat there under the trees, going over all the details in my mind, waiting for four A.M. to come.
Through the dark a runner showed up, asking for me. “A message, sir,” he said, when I called to him. I looked at my wrist watch. Midnight. Four hours more to wait. I unfolded the message he handed me, crouched down, and turned the light of my electric torch on the paper. I read those typewritten lines. I couldn’t believe my eyes. It was an attack order.
My battalion was ordered to attack the Bois de Belleau FROM THE SOUTHERN EDGE at four o’clock that morning, behind a rolling barrage. It was signed “Harbord.” I was dumfounded. All my plans were up in the air. I knew that piece of paper I held in my hand meant the needless death of most of my battalion. “The plans have been changed,” I [had to tell my subordinates].
[Later] I stood there under some trees by a ditch on the southern edge of the Bois de Belleau, and in the growing light watched my battalion march into position. It was getting lighter every minute. Suddenly the barrage dropped, several hundred yards in front of our lines. . . Amid the explosions of the bursting shells we could hear the German machine guns in the woods come to life. They couldn’t see us yet, but they knew from the barrage that the attack was coming.”
“The barrage lifted and crawled ahead. The whistles of our platoon leaders sounded up and down the line. The battalion rose to its feet. Bayonets fixed, rifles at the ready, the men started their slow advance.
I stood there watching them go forward. The Germans could see us now. They had the range. Here and there men were dropping. But the line went steadily on. The Germans couldn’t have had better targets if they had ordered the attack themselves. The barrage kept crawling on. About two hundred and fifty yards behind it the battalion went on, men dropping, men dropping, men dropping. Yard by yard they advanced. Minutes after, I saw them disappear into the woods. Those woods seemed to have swallowed up the barrage without an effort. Now they swallowed up the battalion.
As the Marines vanished into the undergrowth beneath the trees, the German machine-gun fire slackened. The detonations of the barrage had ceased. Across those fields from the woods I could distinguish machine-gun fire, rifle fire. A sudden ripping burst of machine-gun fire would break out. That meant the Marines were advancing on a nest. It would die down. That meant the nest was taken. Back across that open field wounded men began crawling to the rear. There was a dressing station at Lucy, about a mile away.
Marine Memorial at Belleau Wood Glade – Detail
Company runners began to come back out of the woods with reports. Messages hastily scrawled in pencil. This objective attained. That objective attained. Heavy casualties. Prisoners commenced to come back. Convoys of twenty, thirty, fifty Germans, herded along by some single Marine – generally a wounded one at that.
From time to time company runners kept coming out of the woods with reports of objectives gained and held, about mid-afternoon I figured it was time for me to go and take a look-see. I left Legendre at the P.C., took Coutra with me, and went over to the edge of the woods. There were paths I could follow through the undergrowth.
Just inside the edge of the woods I came upon one of those German machine-guns camouflaged behind a brush pile. Dead Marines lay in front of it. Dead Germans lay about it. A strange silence held in the woods. The youngster in command told me of the terrific fighting they’d had. Foot by foot they had pushed their way through the underbrush in the face of a continuous machine-gun and rifle fire. Snipers had shot them from brush piles on the ground; from perches high in the trees. Germans they had left sprawled on the ground for dead as they went on, had risen and shot them in the back.
I went on down the line. Lieutenant Cook was unwounded, but he had lost several of his juniors and a lot of his men. . . “Whenever we took a machine-gun nest,” he said, “another one opened up on their flank. That happened many times. The second one would never fire a shot until we had taken the first. Then they opened up on us.” His outfit, too, were in fox holes and waiting for the expected German counterattack. . .Captain Dunbeck told me how Lieutenant Heiser had died. Leading an attack on a German machine-gun nest, Heiser had been literally decapitated. His head had been cut clean from his body by a stream of machine-gun bullets that caught him in the throat.
Capt. Wass told me of. . . the difficulties they had in orienting themselves in that heavy underbrush. There were no landmarks, once you got into those woods. If you turned around twice you lost all sense of direction and only your compass could straighten you out. “The German machine-gunners are braver than the infantry,” Wass said. “But when you once get within bayonet reach of any of them, they’re eager enough to surrender.”
Nothing in all our training had foreseen fighting like this. If there was any strategy in it, it was the strategy of the Red Indian. The only thing that drove those Marines through those woods in the face of such resistance as they met was their individual, elemental guts, plus the hardening of the training through which they had gone. I passed nest after nest of German machine-guns. Out in front of every gun lay Marines where they had fallen. Around the guns themselves there weren’t so very many dead Germans. They had worked their guns up to the moment the Marines got among them with the bayonet — and then they had surrendered. Most of my wounded had been worked out. Here and there through the woods stretcher bearers were searching for more. There was some little evidence of that rolling barrage under which we had advanced, in a few shell holes and splintered trees. But not much. It hadn’t hurt the Germans enough to mention. But it had given them plenty of notice that we were coming.
Though everywhere I could see Marines who had been killed by machine guns and snipers, though there were plenty of dead Germans, killed by rifle fire, nowhere was there any sign that the Germans had stood face to face with Marines at close quarters and fought it out. Always when it got hot and hand to hand, they had surrendered. But now the German artillery stepped in. They had a pretty thorough idea of our position in those woods. About ten o’clock that night they sounded off. They gave us an awful pounding. It lasted for about two hours.
. . . The Bois de Belleau was an unforgettable sight that night. I had dozed off in the dark during a lull. The explosions of renewed shelling woke me to see the blackness rent and torn everywhere with those terrific flashes of bluish flame from the bursting shells. Silhouetted in that ghastly light I could see splintered tree trunks and twisted limbs and the black mass of the forest stretching off on both sides. Then for minutes those flashes would come so fast that it looked as if a great ragged searchlight was playing up and down in the dark, so continuous would be the illumination. And all the time the shattering impact of the bursts would hammer on your ears.
By daybreak next morning I was out on inspection again. The woods were strangely silent. I found to my amazement that the terrific barrage of the night before had done comparatively little damage to our front line. It had torn the woods just behind the line to pieces. If we’d had supports in those woods, they would have been annihilated.
At the battle’s end. . .I lined the men up and looked them over. It was enough to break your heart. I had left Courcelles May 31st with nine hundred and sixty-five men and twenty six officers — the best battalion I ever saw anywhere. I had taken them, raw recruits for the most. Ten months I had trained them. I had seen them grow into Marines. Now before me stood three hundred and fifty men and six officers. Six hundred and fifteen men and nineteen officers were gone.
Click here to visit Part III of Chateau-Thierry:
The Capture of Vaux

Sources and thanks: A half dozen works were consulted for this page including E.M. Coffman’s War to End All Wars, Stalling’s The Doughboys, Friedel’s Over There, SLA Marshall text in the American Heritage History of World War I and American Armies and Battlefields in Europe. The most valuable resource for the chronology was the Official 2nd Division History which is now available on CD from our friends at the Digital Bookshelf. A forgotten Marine contributor sent the Frederick Wise comments which are from the memoir, A MARINE TELLS IT TO YOU. The top illustration is a detail from a Leatherneck Magazine cover. Regular contributors Herb Stickel and Ray Mentzer helped with the other photos.All of the above are recommended for deeper study of the battle as well as two interesting websites:
Bradley Omanson’s Scuttlebutt & Small Chow: A Salty Old Harbor of Marine Corps History 
Great War Society Member Edward Swaim’s Belleau Wood Today Photo Essay
Last, a special thanks for Col. Bill Anderson, USMC, a Great War Society Member and student of the battle who caught some serious errors of omission in my original draft.
MH
To find other Doughboy Features visit ourDirectory Page For Great War Society
Membership InformationClick on Icon
For further information on the events of 1914-1918 visit the homepage of
The Great War Society

Additions and comments on these pages may be directed to:
Michael E. Hanlon (medwardh@hotmail.com)

Categories
The Green Machine

US Army Memes that I thought were funny

 
Related image
Related image
Image result for field artillery meme
Related image
Image result for field artillery meme
 
Related image
 
Related image