When the ATF announced its 34-rule reform package on April 29, gun-rights advocates celebrated the largest rollback of regulatory overreach in a generation. The Everytown for Gun Safety crowd responded the way you’d expect: with public meltdown disguised as analysis, accusing the ATF of selling out to the firearms industry.
The most prominent Everytown response came from Greg Lickenbrock, writing for The Smoking Gun — Everytown’s in-house publication — in a piece cataloging the Bloomberg-funded outfit’s grievances with the reform package. Read carefully, the piece accidentally makes the gun-rights case better than most gun-rights advocates could.
Everytown thinks that regulators talking to the regulated industry is somehow scandalous
Lickenbrock’s central complaint is that Cekada signed the rule package surrounded by leaders from the American Suppressor Association, the National Rifle Association, the National Shooting Sports Foundation, the National Association for Gun Rights, the Second Amendment Foundation, and Gun Owners of America. According to Everytown, this is evidence that “the rules are clearly designed to benefit the gun industry.”
A few problems with this framing. First, GOA, NRA, NAGR, and SAF aren’t the gun industry — they’re civil rights organizations representing gun owners. Gun-rights organizations and the firearms industry have historically had plenty of disagreements (anyone remember the Bill Ruger AR-15 magazine capacity comments, or the S&W “Lawsuit Locks” controversy?). Treating them as a monolithic “gun industry” interest reveals that Everytown either doesn’t understand the people they’re attacking or doesn’t care to distinguish.
Second, and more importantly, regulatory agencies are supposed to communicate with the industries and stakeholders they regulate. The Administrative Procedure Act explicitly requires public comment processes for federal rulemaking. Cekada bringing in industry representatives and gun-rights organizations for input isn’t corruption. It’s how rulemaking is supposed to work in a system where the people affected by regulations get a voice in how those regulations are written.
What Everytown is actually objecting to is that the ATF talked to the people the regulations affect, rather than just to Everytown.
The “3.28 million scary buyers” non-argument
Lickenbrock claims one of the “most troubling” proposals would let FFLs ship guns directly to buyers’ doors without requiring an in-person visit to a brick-and-mortar location. He cites the ATF’s own estimate that 3.28 million gun buyers would use this option.
A few facts Lickenbrock doesn’t mention:
- Federal law already requires all gun transfers from FFLs to go through a background check, regardless of whether the transfer happens in-store or via shipping
- The ATF is expanding an existing regulation, not creating a new pathway around background checks
- Twenty-nine states already have concealed-carry permits that exempt holders from additional NICS checks because the background check happened when they obtained the permit
The “scary” 3.28 million figure is just a count of how many Americans the ATF estimates would find this option convenient. None of them would be bypassing the federal background check requirement. They’d just be skipping a trip to the gun store.
That’s not a public safety concern. That’s a convenience improvement for law-abiding citizens that Everytown is trying to dress up as something nefarious.
The Form 4473 “straw purchaser” claim collapses on inspection
Lickenbrock argues the ATF’s proposed Form 4473 changes will make it easier for straw purchasers to slip through by removing questions “used to stop illegal straw purchases.”
What are these critical anti-straw-purchase questions the ATF is dropping? Two main items:
- A requirement for the purchaser to state their biological gender in Part 1, Section A, Question 6
- An expanded explanation of federal marijuana prohibition in Question 11.e
If you think prohibited persons committing felony straw purchases are being stopped by their unwillingness to lie about their gender identity or their reluctance to admit federal marijuana violations, Lickenbrock has an Everytown article to sell you. These aren’t anti-straw-purchase measures. They’re administrative bloat that the ATF is appropriately streamlining.
The actual anti-straw-purchase architecture in federal firearms law — the NICS background check, the federal felony penalties for false statements on Form 4473, the federal felony penalties for purchasing a firearm on behalf of a prohibited person — all remain fully in effect. The reform package addresses paperwork, not enforcement.
The “Charleston Loophole”
Lickenbrock objects to the ATF doubling the time a NICS decision remains valid from 30 to 60 days, claiming this will increase the risk that prohibited persons obtain firearms.
This is the same argument gun-control advocates have been making for years, and it has the same problem it always has: a prohibited person with a firearm is still a prohibited person with a firearm.
If a NICS check is later determined to have been improperly approved, the ATF already has statutory authority to retrieve the firearm. The validity window doesn’t change what’s legal — it changes how long the paperwork remains current.
The Charleston shooting in 2015 — the case Lickenbrock implicitly references — happened because of a NICS examiner error in the existing system, not because of any validity window issue.
The shooter took possession of his firearm 67 days after the NICS check, well past the existing 30-day window, because his FFL exercised the legal default-proceed option after the 72-hour examination period expired without a determination. That’s a different problem than the validity window Lickenbrock is complaining about.
The 2019 Henry Pratt Company shooting in Aurora, Illinois — another mass shooting Everytown might want to remember — happened because the Illinois State Police failed to follow up on a revoked Firearm Owner’s Identification card. The shooter purchased the gun legally before his FOID was revoked, and the state police never verified that he’d surrendered the firearm after revocation. That’s a state-level enforcement failure, not a federal NICS validity window issue.
In other words, the two mass shootings most commonly cited in arguments for restricting NICS were not caused by the federal regulatory framework that the ATF is now reforming.
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Grandma’s Old Gun
The Italian officers thought the old Greek was obsessed with his tomatoes.He was mapping their positions.
Kostas Papadimitriou was 67 years old in 1941 when the Axis occupation of Greece began and soldiers from three nations moved through Thessaloniki like weather — loud, consuming, inevitable. He was a retired postal clerk with a bad hip who grew vegetables on a narrow terraced lot at the edge of the city, overlooking the port and the lower military district.
He was, by every observable measure, a man running out of time peacefully.
His wife had died in 1938. His son was somewhere on the Albanian front and had stopped writing. He had no telephone. He attended church on Sundays and the market on Tuesdays and spoke to almost no one at length because there was almost no one left to speak to.
The occupying soldiers, when they noticed him at all, saw an old man with dirt under his fingernails who moved slowly and talked about the weather.
They were not wrong about any of that.
They were entirely wrong about what it meant.
Kostas had spent thirty-one years as a postal clerk. People tended to underestimate what that meant. A postal clerk in a port city reads the rhythm of a place the way a doctor reads a pulse — the volume of mail, its origin and destination, the patterns of what moved and when. He had processed military correspondence, commercial freight manifests, civilian letters during two wars and four governments. He understood, at an almost physical level, how large systems communicated with themselves.
And he understood that occupying armies were large systems that communicated constantly.
They sent supply convoys through the port. They billeted troops in requisitioned buildings whose addresses he knew by heart from thirty years of deliveries. They requisitioned fuel and food according to schedules that, once you had seen two or three repetitions, revealed their own logic.
From his terraced garden, with a clear view of the lower harbor road, Kostas watched.
He had always been a gardener. This was not a cover he constructed — it was simply what he did, and he continued doing it, which meant he had a natural reason to be outside at all hours, in all weather, moving slowly around a hillside plot with his eyes nominally on the soil.
He began keeping a second notebook.
His first notebook was what it appeared to be: a gardening journal. Planting dates. Soil observations. Notes on yield. He had kept one for fifteen years and the Italian officers who searched his house twice found it and were satisfied.
The second notebook was thinner and written in a compressed personal shorthand he had developed across decades of postal notation — abbreviations and symbols that looked, to anyone else, like the private record-keeping of an obsessive old man who had perhaps worked in paperwork too long.
He recorded convoy schedules. Troop movements through the lower district. The timing of harbor patrol changes. Which requisitioned buildings showed light after curfew, suggesting planning activity. Which roads saw unusual vehicle traffic before operations that became apparent only days later.
He didn’t know, at first, who would receive this.
He collected it because a man who spent thirty-one years not wasting information could not simply stop.
The connection came through the church.
A younger man named Stavros, who helped with the Sunday collection and occasionally brought Kostas vegetables from the market when the old man’s hip was bad, turned out to be carrying messages for a resistance cell operating out of the Jewish quarter of the city — a community that was, at that precise moment, beginning to understand the particular danger it faced.
Stavros didn’t ask Kostas directly. He mentioned, carefully, that certain people were trying to understand the port schedule.
Kostas went inside and came back with six weeks of notebook entries.
Stavros stared at the pages for a long moment.
“Can you explain this?” he asked.
Kostas explained it. The abbreviations, the symbols, the cross-referencing system.
Stavros listened. Then he said he needed to show it to someone.
He showed it to a former army signals officer who was coordinating intelligence for several resistance cells across northern Greece. The officer spent an evening with the notebooks and sent back a single written response.
Ask the old man if he can continue. Ask him if he needs anything.
Kostas sent back his own response.
Tell him I need a better pencil. The thin ones break.
The network sent him six pencils.
He continued for two years.
What made him effective was not bravery in any dramatic sense — it was precision and patience, the same qualities that had made him a good postal clerk. He did not speculate. He recorded only what he observed directly. He noted when something was unclear and marked it accordingly.
The signals officer, who had worked with resistance informants across three countries, later said that Kostas was the most methodologically reliable source he had encountered — not because he was trained, but because he had spent a career understanding that a misdelivered letter was worse than no letter at all.
The information he passed was used in several ways. Resistance cells adjusted movement patterns around convoy schedules he had documented. Jewish families were warned before roundup operations whose preparatory logistics he had noticed days in advance — unusual troop concentrations, supply requisitions inconsistent with routine garrison needs. He could not always interpret what he was seeing, but he recorded it accurately, and people who could interpret it did.
In March 1943, he observed something that took him several days to understand.
An unusual volume of rail traffic through the lower yards. Requisitioned civilian facilities near the station. A particular pattern of military police deployment he had not seen before, concentrated around the Jewish quarter.
He passed his notes to Stavros on a Tuesday.
On Friday, German forces began the systematic deportation of Thessaloniki’s Jewish population to Auschwitz.
He had seen it coming but had not known what he was seeing until it was already happening.
This was the fact he could never entirely make peace with.
He had the pieces. He had passed them on. Others had received them. And still over 45,000 people were taken.
He sat in his garden for three days and did not write anything.
Then he picked up the pencil and continued.
Because stopping would not undo what had happened, and the occupation had not ended, and there were still people in the city who could use what he could see from a hillside with tomatoes growing around his feet.
He was never arrested.
The Italian and then German authorities searched his house on four occasions across the occupation and found an old man’s gardening notebooks, a worn Bible, a photograph of his wife, and — on the final search — a letter from his son, who had survived the Albanian campaign and was in hiding somewhere in the mountains.
The letter was three years old.
The officer who conducted the final search handed it back to him without comment.
When liberation came in October 1944, Kostas was 70 years old with a worse hip and six pencils worn to stubs.
The resistance cell formally documented his contribution in a report submitted to the Greek government in exile. The report described him as a civilian intelligence asset whose sustained observation had provided operational intelligence across a 26-month period.
He received a letter of recognition that arrived two years after the war ended, delayed by the chaos of the civil war that followed.
He put it in the gardening notebook.
He continued gardening until 1951, when the hip finally made the terraced lot impossible.
He moved to a ground-floor apartment and grew herbs in pots on the windowsill and, by several accounts, remained extremely particular about his tomatoes until his death in 1957.
The signals officer who had received his notebooks wrote about him once, in a postwar memoir published in a small Athens edition that was never widely distributed.
He described finding the notebooks initially bewildering — pages of symbols and abbreviations from a man with no military training, no tradecraft, no apparent understanding of intelligence methodology.
Then he described realizing that the system wasn’t military.
It was postal.
Kostas had simply applied the logic of a man who spent his career making sure things arrived at the right place, at the right time, without being lost or misdelivered.
He had treated information about the enemy the way he had treated letters for thirty-one years.
Carefully. Accurately. Reliably.
Without wasting a single observation.
