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Overview map of the route of the Long March Light red areas show Communist enclaves. Areas marked by a blue “X” were overrun by Kuomintang forces during the Fourth Encirclement Campaign, forcing the Fourth Red Army (north) and the Second Red Army (south) to retreat to more western enclaves (dotted lines). The dashed line is the route of the First Red Army from Jiangxi. The withdrawal of all three Red Armies ends in the northeast enclave of Shaanxi. |
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| Strength | |||||||
| over 300,000 | First Front Red Army: 86,000 (October 1934) 7,000 (October 1935) |
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| Long March | |||
| Traditional Chinese | 長征 | ||
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| Simplified Chinese | 长征 | ||
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The Long March (October 1934 – October 1935) was a military retreat undertaken by the Red Army of the Communist Party of China, the forerunner of the People’s Liberation Army, to evade the pursuit of the Kuomintang (KMT or Chinese Nationalist Party) army. There was not one Long March, but a series of marches, as various Communist armies in the south escaped to the north and west. The best known is the march from Jiangxi province which began in October 1934. The First Front Army of the Chinese Soviet Republic, led by an inexperienced military commission, was on the brink of annihilation by GeneralissimoChiang Kai-shek‘s troops in their stronghold in Jiangxi province. The Communists, under the eventual command of Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai, escaped in a circling retreat to the west and north, which reportedly traversed over 9,000 kilometers (5600 miles) over 370 days.[1] The route passed through some of the most difficult terrain of western China by traveling west, then north, to Shaanxi.
The Long March began Mao Zedong‘s ascent to power, whose leadership during the retreat gained him the support of the members of the party. The bitter struggles of the Long March, which was completed by only about one-tenth of the force that left Jiangxi, would come to represent a significant episode in the history of the Communist Party of China, and would seal the personal prestige of Mao Zedong and his supporters as the new leaders of the party in the following decades.
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Although the literal translation of the Chinese Cháng Zhēng is “Long March”, official publications of the People’s Republic of China refer to it as “The Long March of the Red Army” (Chinese traditional: 紅軍長征, Chinese simplified: 红军长征, pinyin: Hóngjūn Chángzhēng). The Long March most commonly refers to the transfer of the main group of the First (or Central) Red Army, which included the leaders of the Communist Party of China, from Yudu in the province of Jiangxi to Yan’an in Shaanxi. In this sense, the Long March lasted from October 16, 1934 to October 19, 1935. In a broader view, the Long March included two other forces retreating under pressure from the Kuomintang: the Second Red Army and the Fourth Red Army. The retreat of all the Red Armies was not complete until October 22, 1935, when the three forces linked up in Shaanxi.
The divisions of the “Chinese Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army” (紅軍) were named according to historical circumstances, not by chronological order. Indeed, early Communist units would often form by defection from existing Kuomintang forces, and they kept their original designations. By the time of the Long March, numerous small units had been organized into three unified groups: the First Red Army (紅一方面軍/红一方面军/Hóng Yī Fāngmiàn Jūn), the Second Red Army (紅二方面軍/红二方面军/Hóng Èr Fāngmiàn Jūn), and the Fourth Red Army (紅四方面軍/红四方面军/Hóng Sì Fāngmiàn Jūn).[2] Some translations refer to these same units as the “First Front Red Army,” “Second Front Red Army,” and “Fourth Front Red Army” to distinguish them from earlier organizational divisions.
The First Red Army formed from the First, Third and Fifth Army Groups in southern Jiangxi under the command of Bo Guand Otto Braun. When several smaller units formed the Fourth Red Army under Zhang Guotao in the Sichuan–Shaanxiborder area, no standard nomenclature of the armies of the Communist Party existed; moreover, during the Chinese Civil War, central control of separate Communist-controlled enclaves within China was limited. After the organization of these first two main forces, the Second Red Army formed in eastern Guizhou by unifying the Second and Sixth Army Groups under He Long and Xiao Ke. In this case, a “Third Red Army” was led by He Long, who established his base area in the Hunan-Hubei border. The defeat of his forces in 1932 led to a merge in October 1934 with the 6th Army Corps, led by Xiao Ke, to form the Second Red Army. These three armies would maintain their historical designation as the First, Second and Fourth Red Armies until Communist military forces were nominally integrated into the National Revolutionary Army, forming the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army, during the Second Sino-Japanese War from 1937 to 1945.
The Communist Party of China (CCP) was founded in 1921 by Chen Duxiu with Soviet support. The CCP initially collaborated with the Chinese Nationalist Party or Kuomintang (KMT), founded by the revolutionary republican Sun Yat-sen. However, after the unexpected death of Sun in March 1925, a power struggle within the KMT led to the shift in the party’s authority to Chiang Kai-shek, whose Northern Expedition forces succeeded in wresting control of large areas of China from local warlords and establishing a unified government in Nanjing in April 1927. Unlike other nationalist leaders, like Wang Jingwei, Chiang was opposed to the idea of continued collaboration with the Communist Party. The initial period of cooperation to unify China and end the unequal treaties broke up in April 1927 when Chiang Kai-shek struck out against the Communists. Unsuccessful urban insurrections (in Nanchang, Wuhan and Guangzhou) and the suppression of the Communist Party in Shanghai and other cities drove many party supporters to rural strongholds such as the Jiangxi Soviet, which was organized by Mao Zedong. By 1928, deserters and defecting Kuomintang army units, supplemented by peasants from the Communist rural soviets, formed the Chinese Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army. The ideological confrontation between the CCP and the KMT soon evolved into the first phase of the Chinese Civil War.
By 1930, the Communist Red Army had established the Chinese Soviet Republic in the provinces of Jiangxi and Fujianaround the city of Ruijin, including industrial facilities.[3]
After the establishment of the Jiangxi Soviet, Mao’s status within the Party declined. In 1930, Mao claimed a need to eliminate alleged KMT spies and Anti-Bolsheviks operating inside the Jiangxi Soviet and began an ideological campaign featuring torture and guilt by association, in order to eliminate his enemies. The campaign continued until the end of 1931, killing approximately 70,000 people and reducing the size of the Red Army from 40,000 to less than 10,000. The de facto leader of the party at the time, Zhou Enlai, originally supported Mao’s purges as necessary to eliminate KMT spies. After Zhou arrived in Jiangxi in December 1931, he criticized Mao’s campaigns for being directed more against anti-Maoists than legitimate threats to the Party, for the campaign’s general senselessness, and for the widespread use of torture to extract confessions. During 1932, following Zhou’s efforts to end Mao’s ideological persecutions, the campaigns gradually subsided.[4]
In December, of 1931 Zhou replaced Mao Zedong as Secretary of the First Front Army and political commissar of the Red Army. Liu Bocheng, Lin Biao and Peng Dehuai all criticized Mao’s tactics at the August 1932 Ningdu Conference.[5]The most senior leaders to support Mao in 1932 were Zhou Enlai, who had become disillusioned with the strategic leadership of other senior leaders in the Party, and Mao’s old comrade, Zhu De. Zhou’s support was not enough, and Mao was demoted to being a figurehead in the Soviet government, until he regained his position later, during the Long March.[6]
In early 1933, Bo Gu arrived in Jiangxi with the German Comintern adviser Otto Braun and took control of Party affairs. Zhou at this time, apparently with strong support from Party and military colleagues, reorganized and standardized the Red Army. Under Zhou, Bo, and Braun, the Red Army defeated four attacks by Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist troops.[7]
Chiang’s fifth campaign was much more difficult to contain. In September 1933, the National Revolutionary Army under Chiang Kai-shek eventually completely encircled Jiangxi, with the advice and tactical assistance of his German adviser, Hans von Seeckt.[8] A fortified perimeter was established by Chiang’s forces, and Jiangxi was besieged in an attempt to destroy the Communist forces trapped within. In July 1934, the leaders of the Party, dominated by the “Twenty-Eight Bolsheviks“, a militant group formed in Moscow by Wang Ming and Bo Gu, forced Mao from the Politburo of the Communist Party in Ruijin and placed him briefly under house arrest. Mao was replaced by Zhou Enlai as leader of the military commission.[9]
Chiang’s strategy of slowly constructing a series of interlinking blockhouses (resembling medieval castles) was successful, and Chiang’s army was able to capture several major Communist strongholds within months. Between January and March 1934, the Nationalists advanced slowly. Bo and Braun continued to employ orthodox military tactics, resulting in a series of Kuomintang advances and heavy Communist casualties. In October 1934 KMT troops won a decisive battle and drove deep into the heart of the Central Soviet Area. When Ruijin became exposed to KMT attack, Party leaders faced the choice of either remaining and perishing or of abandoning the base area and attempting to break through the enemy encirclement.[10]
In August 1934, with the Red Army depleted by the prolonged conflict, a spy, Mo Xiong, who had been placed by Zhou Enlai in the KMT army headquarters in Nanchang, brought news that Chiang Kai-shek was preparing a major offensive against the Communist capital, Ruijin. The Communist leadership decided on a strategic retreat to regroup with other Communist units, and to avoid annihilation. The original plan was to link up with the Second Red Army commanded by He Long, thought to be in Hubei to the west and north. Communications between divided groups of the Red Army had been disrupted by the Kuomintang campaign. During the planning to evacuate Jiangxi, the First Red Army was unaware that these other Communist forces were also retreating westward.
Since the Central Base Area could not be held, the Standing Committee appointed Bo (responsible for politics), Braun (responsible for military strategy), and Zhou (responsible for the implementation of military planning) to organize the evacuation. Since the enemy was close, Zhou, in charge of logistics, made his plans in complete secrecy. It was not disclosed who was to leave or when: even senior leaders were only at the last moments told of the Army’s movements. It is not known what criteria were used to determine who would stay and who would go, but 16,000 troops and some of the Communists’ most notable commanders at the time (including Xiang Ying, Chen Yi, Tan Zhenlin, and Qu Qiubai) were left to form a rear guard, to divert the main force of Nationalist troops from noticing, and preventing, the general withdrawal.[11]
The first movements to screen the retreat were undertaken by forces led by Fang Zhimin, breaking through Kuomintang lines in June 1934. Although Fang Zhimin’s troops were soon destroyed, these movements surprised the Kuomintang, who were numerically superior to the Communists at the time and did not expect an attack on their fortified perimeter.
The early troop movements were actually a diversion to allow the retreat of more important leaders from Jiangxi. On October 16, 1934, a force of about 130,000 soldiers and civilians under Bo Gu and Otto Braun attacked the line of Kuomintang positions near Yudu. More than 86,000 troops, 11,000 administrative personnel and thousands of civilian porters actually completed the breakout; the remainder, largely wounded or ill soldiers, continued to fight a delaying action after the main force had left, and then dispersed into the countryside.[12] Several prominent members of the Chinese Soviet who remained behind were captured and executed by the Kuomintang after the fall of Ruijin in November 1934, including Qu Qiubai and the youngest brother of Mao Zedong, Mao Zetan.
The withdrawal began in early October 1934. Zhou’s intelligence agents were successful in identifying a large section of Chiang’s blockhouse lines that were manned by troops under General Chen Jitang, a Guangdong warlord who Zhou identified as being likely to prefer preserving the strength of his troops over fighting. Zhou sent Pan Hannian to negotiate for safe passage with General Chen, who subsequently allowed the Red Army to pass through the territory that he controlled without fighting.[13] The Red army successfully crossed the Xinfeng River and marched through the province of Guangdong and into Hunan before encountering the last of Chiang’s fortifications at the Xiang River.
After passing through three of the four blockhouse fortifications needed to escape Chiang’s encirclement, the Red Army was finally intercepted by regular Nationalist troops, and suffered heavy casualties. Of the 86,000 Communists who attempted to break out of Jiangxi with the First Red Army, only 36,000 successfully escaped. Due to the low morale within the Red Army at the time, it is not possible to know what proportion of these losses were due to military casualties, and which proportion were due to desertion. The conditions of the Red Army’s forced withdrawal demoralized some Communist leaders (particularly Bo Gu and Otto Braun), but Zhou remained calm and retained his command.[13] Most Communist losses occurred over only two days of heavy fighting, from November 30 to December 1, 1934.
After escaping Chiang’s encirclement, it was obvious to Party leaders that Chiang was intent on intercepting what remained of the Red Army in Hunan, and the direction of the Red Army’s movements had to be reconsidered. The plan to rendezvous and join He Long’s army in Hunan had become too risky. Mao suggested to Zhou that the Red Army change direction, towards Guizhou, where Mao expected enemy defenses to be weak.[13]
A meeting at Tongdao, close to the border of Hunan and Guizhou, was convened to discuss the direction of the Red Army on December 12, 1934. Zhou endorsed Mao’s proposal, encouraging other leaders to overrule the objections of Bo and Braun. Another dispute of the direction of the Red Army occurred soon after, once the Red Army reached Liping, in the mountains of southeast Guizhou. Braun believed that they should travel to eastern Guizhou, but Mao wanted to go to western Guizhou, where he expected KMT forces to be lighter and which borders Sichuan, and to establish a base area there. In a meeting to decide the army’s direction, Zhou sided with Mao, making Braun “fly into a rage because he was overruled in the debate.” At the meeting it was decided that the Red Army would travel towards Zunyi, in western Guizhou.[14]
On January 1, 1935, the Red Army reached the Wu River. Bo and Braun again insisted the Red Army move back to western Hunan to join other Communist troops in the area, but their prestige had considerably declined by that point, and their suggestion was rejected. Even Zhou had become impatient, and proposed a new rule which was put into effect immediately: that all military plans had to be submitted to the Politburo for approval. The movement passed, clearly depriving Braun of the right to direct military affairs. On January 15 the Red Army captured Zunyi, the second largest city in Guizhou. As Mao had predicted, the city was weakly defended, and was too far from Nationalist forces to be under immediate threat of attack.[14] By the time the Red Army occupied Zunyi, it was highly depleted, and counted little more than 10,000 men.[15] Zhou used the peace afforded in Zunyi to call an enlarged Politburo meeting, in order to examine the causes of the Communists’ repeated defeats.[14]
The Communists’ Zunyi Conference lasted from January 15–17, 1935, and resulted in a reshuffling of the Party politburo. Zhou intended the conference to draw lessons from the Red Army’s past failures, and to develop strategies for the future. Much of the discussion revolved around whether the defeats of the Red Army were due to unavoidable circumstances, or inadequacies of leadership. Bo Gu, the first speaker, attributed the Red Army’s losses to “objective” causes, particularly the enemy’s overwhelming numerical superiority, and poor coordination of Communist forces. Braun’s interpreter, Wu Xiuquan, later recalled that Bo’s arguments did not impress his audience, and that Bo came across as someone attempting to avoid responsibility.[14]
Zhou Enlai was the next to speak. Zhou blamed the Red Army’s failures on poor decisions at the leadership level, and blamed himself as one of the three people most responsible. Zhou’s willingness to accept responsibility was well received. Zhang Wentian, basing many of his conclusions on recent discussions with Mao, attacked Bo and Braun directly, criticizing them for numerous strategic and tactical errors.[16]
After Zhang, Mao gave a speech in which he analyzed the poor tactics and strategies of the two leaders. With Zhou’s explicit backing, Mao won over the meeting. Seventeen of the meeting’s twenty participants (with the exception of Bo, Braun, and He Kequan) argued in his favor.[16]
Of the three leaders who had controlled the Party before the Zunyi Conference, only Zhou Enlai’s political career survived. Zhou was held partially responsible for the Red Army’s defeat, but was retained at the top level of Party leadership because of his differences with Bo and Braun at Ningdu, his successful tactics in defeating Chiang’s fourth Encirclement Campaign, and his resolute support of Mao.[16] Although the failed leadership of Bo Gu and Otto Braun was denounced, Mao was not able to win the support of a sufficient number of Party leaders to gain outright power at the conference.[17]
A major shift in the Party’s leadership occurred two months later, in March 1935. Mao was passed over for the position of General Secretary by Zhang Wentian, but gained enough influence to be elected one of three members of Military Affairs Commission. The other two members were Zhou Enlai, who retained his position as Director of the Commission, and Wang Jiaxiang, whose support Mao had enlisted earlier,.[17] Within this group, Zhou was empowered to make the final decisions on military matters, while Mao was Zhou’s assistant. Wang was in charge of Party affairs.[16]
When the army resumed its march northward, the direct route to Sichuan was blocked by Chiang’s forces. Mao’s forces spent the next several months maneuvering to avoid direct confrontation with hostile forces, but still attempting to move north to join Zhang Guotao‘s Fourth Red Army.[18] While Chiang’s armies approached Mao in northern Guizhou from three directions, Mao maneuvered out of the encirclement by crossing the Chishui River for four times. Then, Mao led the Red Army crossed Wu River and marching towards Guiyang. He feigned an attack to this city when Chiang was visiting. Chiang ordered his army in Kunming to move eastward to save Guiyang, but the Red Army turned towards Kunming immediately and entered Yunnan, where the Yangtze River was lightly guarded.
In February 1935, Mao’s wife, He Zizhen, gave birth to a daughter. Because of the harsh conditions, the infant was left with a local family[19] (Two Europeans retracing the Long March route in 2003 met a woman in rural Yunnan province said by local officials to be Mao and He Zizhen’s long-lost daughter[20]).
The Communist forces were harassed by both the Kuomintang and local warlords. To avoid a fatal confrontation, Zhou and Mao maneuvered the Red army south and west, through Guizhou, Sichuan, and Yunnan, feigning attacks on Guiyang and Kunming to disguise their movements. The First Red Army crossed the Yangtze (the section of Jinsha River) on May 9, 1935, finally escaping determined pursuit, but still had to deal with dangerous mountain passes at heights of up to 4,000 meters, rough climatic conditions, shortages of food, clothing, and equipment, and tribes of local ethnic groups hostile to Chinese encroachment.[21] The Red Army had to capture river crossings defended by warlords and Nationalist troops. The most famous was Luding Bridge, extolled in official history as an heroic triumph, although many historians now believe that the difficulty of the battle was exaggerated or that the incident was fabricated for propaganda purposes.
Warlords often refused to help out the Kuomintang against the Communist Red Army, preferring to save their own forces.
300 “Khampa bandits” were enlisted into the Kuomintang’s Consolatory Commission military in Sichuan, where they were part of the effort of the central government of China to penetrate and destabilize the local Han warlords such as Liu Wenhui. The Chinese government sought to exercise full control over frontier areas against the warlords. Liu had refused to do battle against the Red Army, to save his own military from destruction. The Consoltary Commission forces were used to battle the Communist Red Army, but were defeated when their religious leader was captured by Communist forces.[22]
Communist forces on the Long March clashed against Kham rebels in the 1934 Khamba Rebellion, who were fleeing from Tibetan government forces.[23]
In June–July 1935, the troops under Mao united with the Fourth Red Army, led by Zhang Guotao, which had retreated west from Henan. Zhang had taken a different route of evacuation, and arrived at Lianghekou with 84,000 troops in relatively good condition. The fact that he had control of superior forces gave him the power to challenge the authority of Zhou and Mao, whose power was based largely on the Party’s support. Zhang demanded that one of his own generals, Chen Changhao, take over Zhou’s position as political commissar of the entire Red Army, and suggested that Zhang himself replace Zhu De on the Military Commission. Zhang argued that such a reorganization would create a more “equal” army organization. On July 18, Zhou relinquished his position as political commissar, and several leading positions were taken over by generals of the Fourth Red Army.[21]
These changes had no long-term significance because Zhang and Mao disagreed with the direction of the army. Zhang insisted on going southwest, while Mao insisted on going northwards, towards Shaanxi. No agreement was reached, and the two armies eventually split, each going their separate ways.[21]
Zhang Guotao’s Fourth Red Army took a different route than Mao travelling south, then west, and finally north through China. On the way Zhang’s forces were largely destroyed by the forces of Chiang Kai-shek and his Chinese Muslim allies, the Ma clique. The remnants of Zhang’s forces later rejoined elements of the Second Red Army before eventually linking up with Mao’s forces in Shaanxi.[24]
The Second Red Army began its own withdrawal west from Hubei in November 1935, led by He Long, who commanded the KMT Twentieth Army in 1923 before joining the Communist Party of China (CPC). For retribution Chiang Kai-Shek had He Long’s relatives executed, including three sisters and a brother.[citation needed] In 1932 he established a sovietin the Hunan-Jiangxi border area, and in August 1934 received command of the Second Red Army, establishing a base in Hubei. An advance party of the First Red Army, called the Sixth Corps, commanded by Xiao Ke, was sent towards the Second Red Army two months before the beginning of the Long March. Xiao Ke’s force would link up with He Long and his army, but lost communication with the First Army that came behind. It was at this point that Li Zhen’s unit was assigned to He Long’s command, having already served in the Sixth Corps.[25]
On November 19, 1935, the Second Red Army set out on its own Long March. He Long’s force was driven further west than the First Red Army, all the way to Lijiang in Yunnan province, then across the Jade Dragon Snow Mountain massif and through the Tibetan highlands of western Sichuan. He Long and Xiao Ke were married to sisters who also accompanied the army. He Long’s wife, Jian Xianren, carried the baby daughter she had given birth to three weeks before the retreat began. Jian Xianfo gave birth to a son in the desolate swamps of northern Sichuan.[26] Forces of the Second Army detained two European missionaries, Rudolf Bosshardt and Arnolis Hayman, for 16 months.[27] Bosshardt later related his account of the details of daily life on the Long March in a book.[28]
Mao’s First Red Army traversed several swamps and was attacked by Muslim HuiMa Clique forces under Generals Ma Bufang and Ma Buqing.[24] Finally, in October 1935, Mao’s army reached Shaanxi province and joined with local Communist forces there, led by Liu Zhidan, Gao Gang, and Xu Haidong, who had already established a Soviet base in northern Shaanxi.[29] The remnants of Zhang’s Fourth Red Army eventually rejoined Mao in Shaanxi, but with his army destroyed, Zhang, even as a founding member of the CPC, was never able to challenge Mao’s authority.[24] After an expedition of almost a year, the Second Red Army reached Bao’an (Shaanxi) on October 22, 1935, known in China as the “union of the three armies”, and the end of the Long March.
All along the way, the Communist Army confiscated property and weapons from local warlords and landlords, while recruiting peasants and the poor. Nevertheless, only some 8,000 troops under Mao’s command, the First Front Army, ultimately made it to the final destination of Yan’an in 1935. Of these, less than 7,000 were among the original 100,000 soldiers who had started the march. A variety of factors contributed to the losses including fatigue, hunger and cold, sickness, desertion, and military casualties. During the retreat, membership in the party fell from 300,000 to around 40,000.[30]
In November 1935, shortly after settling in northern Shaanxi, Mao officially took over Zhou Enlai’s leading position in the Red Army. Following a major reshuffling of official roles, Mao became the chairman of the Military Commission, with Zhou and Deng Xiaoping as vice-chairmen. (After Zhang Gutao reached Shaanxi, Deng was replaced by Zhang). This marked Mao’s position as the pre-eminent leader of the Party, with Zhou in a position second to Mao. Both Mao and Zhou would retain their positions until their deaths, in 1976.[29]
| “ | The greatest strategic retreat in military history turned Mao into a living legend. | ” |
| — Roderick MacFarquhar, Mao Tse Tung: China’s Peasant Emperor, A&E Biography, 2005[31] | ||
While costly, the Long March gave the Communist Party of China (CCP) the isolation it needed, allowing its army to recuperate and rebuild in the north of China. It also was vital in helping the CCP to gain a positive reputation among the peasants due to the determination and dedication of the surviving participants of the Long March. Mao wrote in 1935:
In addition, policies ordered by Mao for all soldiers to follow, the Eight Points of Attention, instructed the army to avoid harm to or disrespect for the peasants, in spite of the desperate need for food and supplies. This policy won support for the Communists among the rural peasants.[33]
Hostilities ceased while the Nationalists and Chinese Communists formed a nominal alliance during the Second Sino-Japanese War from 1937 until 1945. During these years, the Chinese Communist Party persevered and strengthened its influence. The Red Army fought a disciplined and organized guerilla campaign[34] against superior Japanese forces, allowing it to gain experience. Following the end of World War II, the resurgent Communist Eighth Route Army, later called the People’s Liberation Army, returned to drive the Kuomintang out of Mainland China to the island of Taiwan. Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the Long March has been glorified as an example of the Communist Party’s strength and resilience. The Long March solidified Mao’s status as the undisputed leader of the CPC. Other participants in the March also went on to become prominent party leaders, including Zhu De, Lin Biao, Liu Shaoqi, Dong Biwu, Ye Jianying, Li Xiannian, Yang Shangkun, Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping.
The Chinese government produced a movie in 2006, My Long March,[35][36] relating personal experiences of a fictional participant in the Long March.
The Long March is surrounded by conflicting accounts of what occurred. Some critics and researchers call the earlier accounts myths, but find that they are difficult to prove or disprove because the Chinese government prevents independent historians from exploring the topic. The few who were able to perform research recently struggle with the fact that many years have gone by since the march took place. Many of the survivors are no longer alive or able to accurately recall events.[37]
In 2003, controversy arose about the distance covered by Mao’s First Front Army in the Long March.[38] The figure of 25,000 li (12,500 kilometres or about 8,000 miles[1]) was Mao’s estimate, quoted by his biographer Edgar Snow in Red Star Over China, published not long after the end of the Long March in 1938. In 2003, two British researchers, Ed Jocelyn and Andrew McEwen,[33] retraced the route in 384 days,[26][33] and in their 2006 book “The Long March” estimated the March actually covered about 6,000 km (3,700 miles). Jocelyn and McEwen conclude in their book that “Mao and his followers twisted the tale of the Long March for their own ends. Mao’s role was mythologized to the point where … it seemed he had single-handedly saved the Red Army and defeated Chiang Kai-shek”. Mao exaggerated, perhaps even doubled, the length of the march, they believe.[39] Chinese media dispute their report: “The 25,000 li of the Red Army’s Long March are a historic fact and not open to doubt.”[40] However, even at the time that Edgar Snow’s account was written, there were estimates that the distance traveled was closer to 18,000 li (9,375 km).[41]
| “ | Well, that’s the way it’s presented in our propaganda. We needed that to express the fighting spirit of our forces. In fact, it was a very easy military operation. There wasn’t really much to it. The other side were just some troops of the warlord who were armed with old muskets and it really wasn’t that much of a feat, but we felt we had to dramatize it. | ” |
| — Deng Xiaoping, Quote according to Zbigniew Brzezinski, 2005[42] | ||
The Battle of Luding Bridge has been portrayed as a glorious and heroic moment in Chinese Communist history, analogous to the Texan Battle of the Alamo. The official account of the battle depicts exhausted and depleted Communist forces in a desperate situation, where they must fight across a bridge that is guarded by the numerically superior forces of Chiang Kai-shek and his warlord allies. The Communists send a small volunteer force that braves a hail of gunfire to climb across the bridge on underlying chains and assault the enemy positions on the other side, hence securing the bridgehead for the rest of the army to cross.
However, there is evidence that differs from the official account of the battle. This suggests that much of the fighting was dramatized, by Communist leaders, for propaganda purposes. Authors Andrew McEwen and Ed Jocelyn who retraced the route of the Long March, interviewing survivors along the way, said that a woman in her early 80s recalled that local people led the way across the bridge and were all shot and killed.[43] Author Sun Shuyun quotes a witness who said that there was a small enemy force on the other side armed with guns that could “only fire a few metres”. They panicked and fled.[44]
The writer Sun Shuyun writes that generations of Chinese have been taught a glorious account of the Long March in order to justify Mao’s Revolution: “If you find it hard,” they were told:
October 2006 marked the 70th anniversary of the end of the Long March. Dozens of newly released, government approved books were displayed in bookstores, with the intention of showing the heroic actions and drama of the Long March.Chinese television presented “a feast of Long March-themed entertainment, including a 20-part drama series, documentaries, and even a song-and-dance extravaganza.”[46]
Scholars in the West more often focus on aspects of the Long March rarely portrayed by Chinese propaganda, such as the Red Army recruiting local people through kidnapping and blackmail.[47] Sun Shuyun interviewed a man who said he was barely into his teens when he was forced to join the Red Army. This veteran only joined the Red Army because his father was arrested by the Communists and would not be released until the man agreed to join the army. The man later thought of deserting, but stayed on because he feared being caught and executed.[37] In order to escape starvation, the Red Army often stole food from villagers in the remote locations it traveled through.[47] Driven by desperation and hunger, Communist armies during the Long March sometimes took hostages for ransom.










My father was a big advocate of old cowboy guns. Hailing from Europe by birth and upbringing, his fascination with the old West and the cowboys who won it bordered on overzealous.
Any gun good enough to be preferred by the old-time cowboys was good enough for him. He had a point. Thanks to companies like Uberti, people can capture and harness a little piece of the West.


The mid-1800s was a time of turmoil, heartache, and invention in America. The Civil war prompted an already imaginative congregate of firearm makers and designers to get even busier, and in a few short years, America left single shot muzzleloaders in the dust as it gave birth to the first truly effective high-capacity, breech-loading, repeating firearms.
Arguably the most notable was Winchester’s model 1873, which swallowed a double handful of ammunition in one gulp, cycled and fired as fast as a man could run the lever, hit with passable authority, and was good medicine for bad bears and banditos.
The Winchester ’73 left the challenges of earlier lever-action designs behind, proving itself to be almost entirely problem-free.
Colt was quick to get an instrument in the band by chambering its Peacemaker revolvers for the same .44-40 cartridge (then the .44 WCF, or Winchester Center Fire). The round carried a .427-ish 200-plus grain slug pushed by 40 grains of black powder, and while not as authoritative as the larger cartridges of the day, still hit hard enough to do the job.
Suddenly, after a couple centuries of carrying a single-shot, front-stuffing longrifle and – if one was rich or lucky – a single-shot dueling pistol, frontiersmen and cowboys could pack a repeating rifle and matching pistol, both firing the same “bullet”. They were, in a sense, the AR-15 and Glock of the 19th century.
The front sight of the Win. ’73 Sporting Rifle is a semi-fine post. It’s dovetailed into the top flat of the octagonal barrel.
As a youth, I developed my own passion for classic Old West firearms.
I had learned to use a cap & ball Colt 1860 Army long before I learned to use a semi auto weapon. One of my favorite guns in my father’s small collection was a reproduction Winchester ’73 made by Uberti, used, but in beautiful condition.
When I was in my mid-teens, my father gave me the rifle. I carried that gun for years of cowboying and mountain wandering, and worn wood and bluing reflects the rough miles and time in my saddle scabbard.
It’s not as accurate as it once was – the years, miles, and several thousand rounds having taken their toll, but the old rifle still shoots fast, smooth, and reliably.
In fact, I’ll stick my neck out and opine that at close range the old rifle and I could hold our own in a steel-target matchup against the average citizen with an AR-15 – at least for the first dozen or so rounds.
The author’s ’73 features a simple adjustable rear buckhorn sight.
Currently, Uberti offers fine reproduction Winchester ‘73s in seven iterations, ranging from the super-short 16.125 inch barreled Trapper up to their 24.25 inch Sporter, with available options including octagonal, round, or octagon-to-round barrels, pistol or straight grip, crescent or shotgun buttplate, blued or color case hardened buttplate, lever, and frame, and more.
Three cartridge chamberings are offered, including the aforementioned .44-40, the .45 Colt, and .357 Mag.
I tested four currently available .44-40 factory loads through my old Uberti Winchester ’73 for accuracy, velocity, and reliability.
Predictably, the rifle functioned perfectly without a single malfunction. Accuracy was less than stellar, but a younger rifle aimed by younger eyes would almost certainly shoot tighter groups. Results are posted below.
Forty-something year-old eyes and rifle aren’t a great combination for accuracy. But the author’s rifle still shoots well enough to get the job done.
Testing was done at 50 yards over a bench, with the accuracy determined by averaging three, five shot groups. Velocity was measured at 10 feet from the muzzle using a Shooting Chrony chronograph.
| Ammunition | Velocity (FPS) | Accuracy (Inches) |
| Black Hills 200-gr. RNFP | 1,141 | 2.06 |
| Hornady 205-gr. Cowboy | 995 | 2.57 |
| Winchester 225-gr. Cowboy Action | 902 | 2.94 |
| Winchester 200-gr. Power-Point | 1,069 | 2.01 |
The author found four currently available factory loads for his Winchester ’73. Three were designed for Cowboy Action shooting, one for hunting.
It’s a noble rifle with a noble history.
The Winchester 1873 handles and operates more gracefully than most modern rifles, including modern-designed lever actions. It was designed during a time when men carried their firearms as a matter of course while doing chores, riding to town, or tending cattle. It was made to be a friendly companion. In other words, it balances and carries well in the hand, slides in and out of a saddle scabbard with ease, and is as graceful as a ballroom dancer.
Crossbar safeties were an evil yet to be invented, the half-cock notch on the ‘73 acting as a handy, serviceable safety. A dust cover slides completely over the ejection port. This helps prevent dirt and debris from clogging the action, automatically pushing out of the way when the action is next cycled. The lever can be locked down if desired. Simply turn the lever lock at the rear of the lever loop. Cartridges are thumbed in via a handy loading gate on the right face of the frame. They’re swallowed one after another with enchanting volume.
Sights on my rifle include a simple but effective adjustable rear buckhorn and a moderately fine post front, both dovetailed into the top flat of the full octagon barrel. Capacity is 13 + 1, and weight is right around 8 pounds.
Nowadays, the currently manufactured “Sporting Rifle” made by Uberti is the twin to my lovely old rifle, is readily available through various gun shops across America, and sports an MSRP of $1,259. Street price would be a bit less.
For more information about Uberti firearms, click here.
To purchase an Uberti Winchester 1873 on GunsAmerica, click here.
The Strait of Gibraltar
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Now you see why the Brits will always hold onto its Rock of Gibraltar There! By the by, I have been lucky enough to have been there twice now. 
I found it to be neat, clean and there is a lot of stuff to see. Plus the Folks there are extremely friendly. So I can most highly recommend going there. As it really is the last remnant of the British Empire!
Little Known fact – During The WWII Operation Torch, Eisenhower was temporarily placed in Command of the Place. The only Non Brit in almost 300 plus years!
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By the way I like Licorice!
Smith & Wesson’s 586 L-Comp .357 Magnum revolver, which provides seven rounds of magnum power in a seemingly recoilless package.
To learn more, visit https://www.smith-wesson.com/firearms/performance-center-586-l-comp.
To purchase on GunsAmerica.com, click this link: https://www.gunsamerica.com/Search.aspx?T=586%20performance%20comp.
How would you feel about shooting a .357 Magnum revolver with virtually no muzzle flip? That’s exactly what the Smith & Wesson 586 L-Comp is all about. Let’s take a closer look.
First, let’s cover a couple of pseudo-scientific opinions on the whole concept of felt recoil. “Pseudo-scientific.” How’s that for an oxymoron? OK, now back to the point. While energy is energy and momentum is momentum, there are tricks that gun and ammo manufacturers use to minimize the recoil sensation that we feel.
One of those tricks is to port the barrel in such a way that gas exiting the barrel is directed up, and sometimes a bit backward, to counter the natural motion of a gun during the recoil phase. If that gas is directed up, it counteracts the tendency for muzzle flip, so the gun remains more “flat” during recoil.
One of the notable features of 586 and 686 models is the full-length underlug under the barrel. A result of this is more muzzle weight, which helps tame muzzle flip and perceived recoil.
Here’s why that matters regarding what we perceive as recoil. Getting into the opinion arena, I think what I “feel” as recoil boils down to two major components: straight backward push and muzzle flip. Of the two, muzzle flip (to me anyway) is the motion that’s more violent and the one that indicates heavy versus moderate or light recoil.
If the muzzle flips towards the sky as you fire a shot, that creates an aggressive twisting motion in your hand, bending the wrist in a way that’s not natural. So you feel it. As for the straight backward push, that doesn’t bother me as much, and force is directed into your body mass.
So, in my view, that’s one of the reasons that handguns with ported barrels are much more pleasant to shoot. Sure, you always pay the price for such luxury, and in this case, that price is noise and muzzle flash.
No problem here, I’ll pay that bill gladly. With that said, let’s get back to the Smith & Wesson 586 L-Comp .357 Magnum Revolver.
Smith & Wesson introduced the original 586 model back in the 1980s. Designed as a blued version of the stainless steel 686, it was a .357 Magnum revolver built on Smith & Wesson’s L-frame.
At first glance, the K-frame and L-frame models may appear to be identically sized, but the L-frame is slightly beefed up in a couple of areas under the forcing cone. The purpose is to allow a steady diet of full-power .357 Magnum loads without risk of a frame crack.
On most L-frame models you’ll also notice a full-length underlug. That adds some extra weight up front to help tame the recoil of .357 Magnum loads.
The Smith & Wesson 586 L-Comp differs in two ways from the classic 586. First, it’s based on the 686+ revolver, which packs a seven-round cylinder.
Second, it’s a Performance Center model, so it’s loaded with some nifty extras. The Performance Center folks have been making the 586 L-Comp as a distributor special order, but now it’s available to everyone.
The Performance Center team at Smith & Wesson operates like a company within a company. They shop the standard Smith & Wesson product lines for base models that have interesting “customization” potential. The team then takes these guns in and spiffs them up with custom shop-like features. The 586 L-Comp has several such add-ons.
First, the cylinder is cut for moon clip use. This allows the user to preload seven cartridges in a moon clip, then drop the whole assembly into the cylinder.
Unlike a speed loader, the clip remains in place during fire and extraction, so all cartridge cases come out as a single unit along with the moon clip. The cylinder is cut with a circular recessed pattern to make this work.
What’s interesting is that you can shoot the 586 L-Comp without using a moon clip, too. There’s enough metal around the outside edge of the cylinder to hold cartridges in place. The extractor also works fine when cartridges are loaded individually without the clip.
There’s a fun fact to know about this, and we’ll get to that later. Oh, some moon clips are included in the instruction packet, but you’ll probably want to order extras. They aren’t disposable but they do bend over time, so it’s good to keep a supply handy.
The 586 L-Comp also includes a Tritium vial inset into the front sight blade for low light use. The front blade is black, so it provides a crisp sight picture in daylight conditions too.
The rear sight is adjustable for both elevation and windage using a small flat-head screwdriver. This is an important feature as you can tweak the sights to match point of impact for a wide variety of ammo types from .38 Special to .357 Magnum.
As different bullet weight and velocity combinations will vary the point of impact, so spend some time to adjust the sights to your most commonly used ammo.
The Performance Center team also does a trigger improvement job on the 586 L-Comp. The trigger itself has a well-rounded face, and the action is smoothed out.
The revolver ships with a really nice set of Rosewood grips installed. They’re gorgeous and look particularly sharp with the well-polished frame finish. As a bonus, a Hogue recoil-reducing grip is included in the box along with an installation tool.
The big deal on this model is the ported barrel. Unlike many ported barrels, which use dual cuts that direct gas up and to each side, this revolver features one generously sized port just in front of the sight blade.
That’s right, you’ll get one big blast of hot gas blowing straight up when you press the trigger. The barrel itself is three inches long, so there’s a good compromise between a decent sight radius and portability.
While the 586 L-Comp was envisioned to be a multi-purpose gun for fun, competition, or carry, I think it would shine as a concealed carry revolver or home defense gun.
The porting forward of the muzzle is the real star of the revolver, helping immensely in the taming of the powerful .357 Magnum revolver’s recoil.
I’ve been shooting the heck out of this gun, mostly with full-power .357 Magnum ammunition. Normally with a .357, I’ll shoot some of the big stuff followed by a heavy diet of .38 Special. However, this one is actually pleasurable to shoot with magnum loads.
Why? Certainly the porting makes a huge difference, but it’s also a fairly heavy gun for its size, and that helps dampen perceived recoil too.
I shot it side by side with a Smith & Wesson Model 66. That’s a lighter K-frame revolver, also chambered in .357 Magnum, and the difference in feel between the two, using the exact same loads, was stunning.
I did most of my shooting with the Rosewood grips, mainly because they’re comfortable and look so darn good. In the interest of being thorough, I installed the Hogue grips for a couple of shooting outings, and they work well.
They’re perfectly fit to the frame, so they mount without any screws. Be sure to read the instructions before mounting or dismounting the Hogue grips and use the included tool. If you don’t, you’ll risk breaking the grip. Don’t ask me how I know this, OK?
I tested the 586 with all .357 Magnum ammo, like this Sig Sauer 125-grain FMJ, as it was so comfortable to shoot higher power loads.
Let’s talk about the compensated barrel for a minute.
In my opinion, compensated guns get a bad, and unfair rap. You’ll hear comments like “Yeah, they reduce recoil, but the muzzle flash will destroy your night vision!” In theory, that makes sense. In reality, it’s a load of hooey. Yes, if you look, you can see the flame blasting out of compensator holes.
Also, if you look, you can see a fireball coming out the fiery end of most any handgun. I’ve had the opportunity to do quite a bit of night shooting using everything from 9mm to 12 gauges and AR-15s. Guess what?
Not once has muzzle blast impaired my ability to see for my second, third, and subsequent shots. Ever. Sure, if you hang out in absolute pitch dark conditions for a half hour, then light off a round of anything, compensated or not, it’ll mess with your night vision.
But I have to ask, what are you shooting at in pitch dark conditions where you can’t even see or identify your target? And don’t forget, any gun in those conditions is going to spoil your “night vision.” This is one of those things that sound logical on paper, but in reality, doesn’t hold up.
The moral of the story? If you want a compensated gun for home defense or concealed carry, get one. I can just about guarantee you’ll never see the flash, and even if you do, it won’t impair your ability to shoot. I shot the 586 L-Comp at a low-light indoor range using full-power defensive .357 Magnum ammo, and it was a complete non-issue.
So now that the ported barrel rant is over, how well did it work? Amazingly well, in fact. You’ll still feel recoil but at an incredibly reduced level. You’ll also notice that the muzzle hardly moves. Your sights will stay on target, and your wrists will thank you for avoiding that nasty snap.
I took the Smith & Wesson 586 L-Comp to the range with a milk crate full of ammo and high hopes. After all, this is a Performance Center masterpiece, and my first few shots with one up at the Smith & Wesson Training Academy were stunning.
The porting on this revolver makes it feel more like a .38 Special than a .357 Magnum, and the heavier L frame gives it enough beef to soak up felt recoil too. So it’s one of the most pleasant feeling .357 Magnums I’ve shot, but does that translate to accuracy?
I set up targets at 25 yards, a pistol rest weighed down with two 25-pound bags of lead shot, stuck an EyePal Peep Sight on my shooting glasses to improve the iron sight picture, and dug into the ammo crate.
Shooting the 586 side by side with a Smith & Wesson M66 (top), I figured out that the moon clips have a dramatic impact on accuracy.
Here’s where things got weird. My first few groups were unimpressive, measuring in the five to six-inch range. Naturally, I assumed the problem was with me as this gun should shoot and I was using premium ammo like Sig Sauer V-Crown, Federal Premium Hydra-Shok, and Barnes TAC-XPD.
So I settled down, improved my hold, and tried again. Same result. Wondering what the heck was going on, I picked up a Smith & Wesson Model 66 that I also had with me and shot a few groups with the same ammo. As expected, five-shot groups were all significantly less than three inches.
After pondering this for a bit, I had one of those “oh, duh” moments. I had started shooting without the moon clips. You see, the 586 L-Comp has a cylinder cut for moon clip use, but the revolver is designed to work just fine without them too.
If you don’t have a moon clip, you can drop individual cartridges into the chambers. They’ll fire as normal and extract reliably as a group. However, given the ho-hum accuracy results, I suspected that the moon clips are a necessity if you’re going for maximum accuracy.
That theory makes sense. Without the clips, the cartridges are supported by only a portion of the rim. The cartridge rim areas closest to the center of the cylinder don’t have full support. I suspected that the “seating” of cartridges in the cylinder was microscopically wonky and that was causing erratic accuracy results.
I resumed shooting groups, using the clips, and voila, group size shrunk by multiples. To be sure, I fired a group of Sig Sauer FMJ .357 Magnum 125-grain WITHOUT using moon clips. The 25-yard group measured nearly six inches.
I immediately loaded up a moon clip with more rounds from the same box of ammo and shot a 1.89-inch five-shot group. Same gun, same ammo, same rest.
To be double sure, I repeated the process with some Hornady Critical Defense .357 Magnum ammo and again the group size shrunk in half when using the moon clips.
Here’s the moral of the story. This gun is designed to use moon clips. That’s its primary and intended mode of operation.
The ability to shoot loose rounds without a moon clip is a bonus feature, and from a functional perspective, it works fine. Just be aware that you won’t achieve the full accuracy potential of this gun in that clip-less mode.
Does this mean that all guns with moon-clip cut cylinders won’t be as accurate without the clips? Maybe or maybe not. What we do know is that this gun exhibits a notable accuracy performance difference with and without the moon clips.
I tested the 586 L-Comp with a wide variety of .357 Magnum ammo using both wood and Hogue grips. The Hogue grips made a noticeable difference in recoil reduction.
Just to be really, really clear. This is not a flaw. The gun is designed for moon clip use, so it’s natural to expect the best performance in that configuration. It was my oversight to not use them right off the bat.
I relate the story in detail here as I thought it showed some interesting gun “science” worth sharing. If you buy this model, or another moon clip one like it, be sure to test with and without moon clips so you know what to expect in each configuration.
With that interesting diversion out of the way, I proceeded to shoot groups with a variety of .357 Magnum ammo, using the moon clips in all cases.
This revolver will shoot .38 Special of course, but since it’s an awesome example of the classic Magnum, I stuck to the big stuff – all loads shown below are .357 Magnum rounds. Here’s what I found.
| Accuracy & Velocity |
Velocity (fps) |
5-shots, 25 yards |
| American Eagle 158-grain |
N/A |
4.27” |
| Barnes TAC-XPD 125-grain |
1,300.8 |
1.7” |
| Federal Premium Hydra-Shok 130-grain |
1,364.7 |
2.8” |
| Hornady Critical Defense 125-grain |
N/A |
3.08” |
| Sig Sauer FMJ 125-grain |
1,220 |
2.01” |
| Sig Sauer V-Crown |
1,301 |
2.75” |
| Speer Gold Dot Short Barrel 135-grain |
N/A |
2.57” |
| Winchester PDX1125-grain |
N/A |
2.76” |
I love this gun. Yes, it’s a looker, but more to the point, it’s a shooter. I’ve already pointed out that its easy shooting nature, even when using full-power self-defense ammunition, makes it pleasant to run with both .38 Special and .357 ammo.
Additionally, the seven-shot cylinder offers a bonus round over the standard six while the adjustable rear sight allows you to match your favorite load’s point of impact to the point of aim. If you want a gun that has the power of a magnum without the nasty recoil, this one is well worth a look.
To learn more, visit https://www.smith-wesson.com/firearms/performance-center-586-l-comp.