U.S.A. –-(AmmoLand.com)- Before the Biden-Harris administration took over the White House, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives usually revoked an average of 40 Federal Firearm Licenses (FFLs) per year. But, in the 11 months since Joe Biden declared war on “rogue gun dealers,” the ATF has revoked 273 FFLs – an increase of more than 500%. However, rather than targeting the true rogues, Biden’s ATF is revoking FFLs for the most minor of paperwork errors, which were never a concern for the ATF until Biden weaponized the agency.
“This has nothing to do with the ATF and everything to do with the DOJ,” said John Clark of FFL Consultants. Clark is a firearm industry expert who said the ATF announced the number of revocations at a recent Firearm Industry Conference.
“The vast majority of the ATF don’t like this any more than the industry does,” he said. “It’s Biden.”
Clark and business partner John Bocker crisscross the country to help gun dealers fight back against Biden’s overreach – a service that is free to all members of the National Shooting Sports Foundation. Their mantra is: “Get it right the first time.”
“Our goal is to prevent an incident from occurring,” Bocker has said. “Our goal is prevention – get it right the first time. We are the proactive and preventative arm of the NSSF.”
Nowadays, they’re extremely busy. “I had three revocation hearings last week,” Clark said.
Key to the massive increase in revocations is Biden’s zero-tolerance for willful violations policy, which Clark said relies upon a new definition of willful. If a dealer makes a simple mistake, they can now lose their license, because the new definition of willful states that the dealer knew the law, but willfully chose to violate it anyway – regardless of whether it was an oversight, an error by an employee or a simple paperwork mistake.
“They have twisted negligence into willful,” Clark said. “These are not uncommon errors that we’re seeing. Things happen.”
On paper, Biden’s new policy seems clear:
Absent extraordinary circumstances that would need to be justified to the Director, ATF will seek to revoke the licenses of dealers the first time that they violate federal law by willfully.
- Transferring a firearm to a prohibited person
- Failing to run a required background check
- Falsifying records, such as a firearms transaction form
- Failing to respond to an ATF tracing request
- Refusing to permit ATF to conduct an inspection in violation of the law
However, Clark and Bocker are seeing these rules pushed far beyond the realm of common sense or fairness, and local gun dealers are paying the price.
For example, the transaction number for a NICS background check requires nine digits. If a gun dealer mistakenly omits a number, their license can be revoked for failing to run a background check. Under the Biden-Harris administration, there is no longer any room for human error.
Similarly, the ATF has started contracting out its trace requests, Clark said. He and Bocker have talked to a dealer whom the ATF accused of not complying with a trace request. They fault, they found, actually belonged to the ATF, which hadn’t updated its records from the contractors. Until this was clarified, the dealer was at risk of losing everything.
Their firm offers a free webinar for gun dealers, which addresses Biden’s policy.
ATF Breaking Federal Law
Biden first announced his zero-tolerance policy for “rogue gun dealers” in June of last year. He claimed these dealers were responsible for skyrocketing violent crime rates in major cities historically controlled by Democrats.
The violence wasn’t caused by weak prosecutors who refuse to hold criminals accountable, or gangs or underfunded police departments or by any combination thereof, he said. It was all the fault of “rogue gun dealers,” who Biden claimed willfully transfer firearms to prohibited persons, and/or refuse to cooperate with a tracing request from the ATF.
To vet Biden’s rogue gun dealer theory, the Second Amendment Foundation’s Investigative Journalism Project immediately sent a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request to the ATF, seeking the following:
Copies of documents that show the number of Federal Firearms Licensees (FFLs) and their state of residence, who have been prosecuted for willfully transferring a firearm to a prohibited person over the past three years (from June 23, 2018 to June 23, 2021.)
Copies of documents that show the number of Federal Firearms Licensees (FFLs) and their state of residence, who have been prosecuted for ignoring and/or refusing to cooperate with a tracing request from the BATFE, over the past three years (from June 23, 2018 to June 23, 2021.)
(Note: We did not seek the names or other identifiers of any FFL.)
We’re still waiting for a response.
In the 11 months since the FOIA request was filed, the ATF has not complied with the law. The ATF is in a trick-bag of sorts. They can comply with federal law and provide the documents, which will likely reveal that Biden’s rogue gun dealer policy is just a ruse, or they can continue to deny and delay the FOIA request even though their actions violate federal law.
Takeaways
If there is a dealer who transfers firearms to prohibited persons, fails to conduct background checks and ignores requests from the ATF to help trace firearms used in a crime, they should lose their FFL. I don’t know anyone who disagrees with that. However, these are not the type of dealers the ATF is targeting at Biden’s behest. The Biden-Harris administration has ordered the ATF to revoke FFLs for even the most minor of paperwork errors, solely to support its rogue-dealer myth.
There is no doubt Biden will soon hold a press conference touting the effectiveness of his zero-tolerance policy and the hundreds of “rogue gun dealers” whose licenses were revoked as a result. What he won’t mention is that none of the dealers who lost their livelihoods contributed to the skyrocketing violent crime rates of major metros. They were simply law-abiding men and women who made a minor paperwork error, which Biden has now criminalized as part of his ongoing war on our guns.
This story is presented by the Second Amendment Foundation’s Investigative Journalism Project and wouldn’t be possible without you. Please click here to make a tax-deductible donation to support more pro-gun stories like this.
About Lee Williams
Lee Williams, who is also known as “The Gun Writer,” is the chief editor of the Second Amendment Foundation’s Investigative Journalism Project. Until recently, he was also an editor for a daily newspaper in Florida. Before becoming an editor, Lee was an investigative reporter at newspapers in three states and a U.S. Territory. Before becoming a journalist, he worked as a police officer. Before becoming a cop, Lee served in the Army. He’s earned more than a dozen national journalism awards as a reporter, and three medals of valor as a cop. Lee is an avid tactical shooter.
Duffel Blog obtains top secret Russian military files
Russia’s military is apparently as leaky as SCOTUS
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By Task Force Football Bat
Duffel Blog’s team of investigative journalists has obtained a trove of sensitive Russian military documents that contain everything from Russian battle plans to LOL emojis shared between now-deceased generals. These documents shed light on inside conversations at the highest levels of leadership in the country’s military over the course of the past few months.
Our team of translators has analyzed what appears to be the Russian military’s detailed pre-invasion battle plan — briefed to President Putin as he clung for life to a table. Both the original and our translation are below.
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Our team also obtained more granular orders, apparently issued at the outset of the country’s latest incursion into a sovereign neighbor. One such order, translated below, gives insight into the Russians’ tactical prowess, which the world has feared for decades.
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Of course, these early plans did not materialize as successfully as Putin and his team of generals had envisioned. Leaked text messages from a few days into the full-scale invasion begin to tell the tale, while also giving an idea of the deep empathy Russian officers have for the troops they lead.
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Messages from the same chat roughly six weeks later give a sense of how the conflict has evolved.
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With the conflict persisting longer than hoped, Putin and his team are turning to the country’s robust information operations capability, looking to highlight what they see as key threats in Ukraine to both justify their actions and call on the West to halt its support of the Ukrainians as they defend themselves.
An undated press release cuts to the chase in classic Russian fashion.
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Duffel Blog is continuing to analyze and giggle at the large number of documents obtained.
In 1963, after Winchester had released its initial trio of belted magnums—the .264, .338 and .458 Magnums, all based on a shortened .375 H&H case—they announced the coming of the .30 caliber version. Most folks anticipated a case of similar dimension and datum line (the distance from base to shoulder) to the .338 Win. Mag. and .264 Win. Mag., just necked to hold a .308” diameter bullet. However, Norma had filled that void a few years prior with their .308 Norma Mag., which is very similar to the .30-338 wildcat. Winchester thought outside the box, and developed a case completely different from the prior three.
The .300 Win. Mag. represented (until the advent of the .30 Nosler) the most potent .30 caliber cartridge one could get, at the standard “long”, or .30-06-length action. Winchester took the .338 case, at 2.500” in length, and extended it 0.12” to 2.620”, while reducing the neck dimension to 0.264”, in order to maximize case capacity. The resulting cartridge was, and is, what I consider to be the finest .30 caliber cartridge ever made.
Yes, the .30-06 Sprg. is an undeniable classic, and probably holds the honor of being the single most popular cartridge among modern hunters. Likewise, the .308 Win. has proven itself as a viable and extremely accurate hunting cartridge, and the .30-30 WCF remains an undeniable player despite its age and a changing market. But, for me, when I think about a .30-caliber cartridge that can do it all and do it well, I think .300 Win. Mag. Being a .30-caliber cartridge is a good thing; there are an unprecedented number of bullet weights and choices, and there really is something for just about any hunting situation shy of Cape buffalo and elephant.
The .300 Win. Mag. will drive a 180-grain bullet to an average of 2,960 fps—sometimes faster—and delivers a trajectory that will make shots within sane hunting ranges completely feasible. It is faster than the benchmark .30-06—generally offering a 150 fps velocity gain—yet it has a recoil level that is manageable by most shooters; definitely less than the larger-cased .30 caliber magnums. Personally, I’ve used bullets weighing between 140 and 220 grains in a number of varying game fields, worldwide.
Dimensionally, some have criticized the .300 Win. for having that short neck—less than one caliber in length—but it has never posed a problem for me. Like the .30-06, you can tailor the bullet for the game at hand, whether it’s a pronghorn antelope or Dall sheep at quite a distance, or a bear at relatively short distances. The .300 Win. may be the optimal elk cartridge, and will cleanly handle moose.
The 180-grain loads are among the most popular for larger game, and most .300 Win. loads will show a preference for bullets of this weight, or very close to it. Most ammunition manufacturers offer good .300 Win. loads, from the Federal Premium loads, to Norma’s fantastic ammo to the Winchester, Hornady and Remington offerings. Many of these loads take full advantage of the premium bullets, and that will only enhance the already great performance of the .300 Win. Bonded-core, monometal, polymer tipped spitzers, round nosed cup-and-core; all are present in the factory loads for the .300 Win.
Personally, I’ve used the .300 Win. Mag. as much, if not more, than any other caliber. I’ve used it for pronghorn antelope on the plains of Wyoming, for caribou in the taiga of Quebec, and for whitetails and black bear in the hardwoods and evergreen forests of the Northeast. I’ve also used the .300 Win. for gemsbok, waterbuck, kudu and other plains game across Africa.
For the reloader, the .300 Win. offers a very versatile cartridge, which is easy to load for. The belt—which was carried over from the Holland & Holland design—really serves no purpose, as the .300 Winchester will headspace off the steep shoulder. You may see some stretching just in front of the belt, and that’s a consideration for any belted magnum case. Use a good Large Rifle Magnum primer and a healthy load of slow burning powder and you’ll see good results. Handloaders can take full advantage of the big .300 case, as you can safely load it down to .308 Winchester velocities, or load it to full-house velocities if you choose.
You’ll see the .300 Win. Mag. in the hands of military snipers and big game hunters alike, with good reason: it is a very accurate cartridge. The case can easily handle the long, sleek bullets that possess the best Ballistic Coefficient for the long range game, and equally handle the heavy, round nose slugs that those who hunt at closer ranges prefer.
The .300 Win. was, undoubtedly, the cartridge that knocked the .300 H&H off the stage, and while I have a special place for the .300 H&H, the .300 Winchester just makes more sense. My own pet .300 Win. is a Model 70 Classic Stainless that has been all over with me; I know it well, it’s very accurate, and I have all kinds of faith in it. The .300 Win. has been the cartridge I’ve reached for most throughout my career, and I don’t think that’s about to change any time soon. The .300 Win. Mag. just plain works.
We had been stalking the herd for the better part of the morning, when we finally saw the bull come wide to the left side of the herd. My father brought his rifle to shoulder, and sent a 400-grain Swift A-Frame into the base of the bull’s neck, precisely where the guide instructed, dropping the beast where it stood.
His smile was equally inspired by the bison he stood over—we were hunting the quarter-million-acre Triple U Ranch in South Dakota, where “Dances with Wolves” was filmed—and by one of his favorite rifles: a Browning Model 1886 in .45-70 Government.
That rifle Dad carried was released in 1986, as a centennial celebration of the release of one of John Browning’s finest designs, and one of the strongest lever-action rifles ever developed.
The Model 1886 was much stronger than the Model 1873 or Model 1876, using two vertical steel bars to keep that action closed and the bolt firmly in place; the receiver was also different in that it was long enough to handle the popular and plentiful .45-70 Government cartridge, among other powerful blackpowder cartridges like the .50-110 WCF, .45-90 (albeit with shorter bullets) and .40-82 WCF. Browning’s beefy lever gun would also prove to be strong enough to survive the transition to smokeless powder when fitted with a nickel-steel barrel, being chambered for the .33 Winchester in 1903. It was even chambered for the 32-gauge shotshell, available as a custom order.
In production from 1886 until 1935, the Winchester Model 1886 has that inimitable feel to its action; just working the lever gives the user an idea of its strength. The ’86 action locks up like a bank vault, and that strong action allowed me to handload those 400-grain A-Frames—seated over a healthy charge of Hodgdon’s BL-C(2)—to a muzzle velocity of just over 1800 fps from his 26-inch octagon barrel. Mind you, that is from a modern rifle, but it is indicative of the strength of the 1886.
A buckhorn rear sight, with a serrated elevator for vertical adjustments, could be drifted in its slot for windage adjustments, and the rifle was produced with a variety of front sights over the years of production. A tubular magazine—both full-length and half-length magazines were available—sits underneath the barrel, and is fed through a loading port on the right side of receiver.
The 1886 was available with a single trigger, though a double-set trigger was available. A two-piece walnut stock—predominately straight-gripped though also made with a curved pistol grip—rounded out the furniture, and was generally plain, except for the Sporting Deluxe variant, which was checkered front and rear. Some models had a straight shotgun butt, and others a curved steel buttplate. Like so many of John M. Browning’s other designs, the simplicity is a part of the elegance. There are some neat takedown models in both half- and full-magazines.
The 1886 was discontinued in 1935, when it was replaced by the Model 71 Winchester—itself based strongly on the 1886 action—chambered in the powerful .348 Winchester. While there is no denying the success of the Model 71, which was designed to be the premier lever-action rifle, like its bolt-action counterpart the Model 70, there is also no denying the importance of the 1886 in the progression of repeating rifles.
Browning released a pair of commemorative rifles in 1986; Dad bought the standard grade with blued metalwork and plain stock, and there was a High Grade version as well with a nickel-plated engraved receiver and checkered stock. Both were chambered in .45-70 Government.
Thankfully, Winchester has re-introduced the 1886 to its lineup, in several variations. There is the Model 1886 Deluxe Case Hardened comes with a curved pistol grip, checkered stock and case-hardened appointments and a 24-inch octagonal stock, chambered in .45-70 Government. The Model 1886 Deluxe has a similar conformation to the Case Hardened variant, except that it is available in .45-70 and .45-90, a new option for 2020. They share that classic crescent steel buttplate, which digs into your shoulder, but hey, that just comes with the territory.
The new Winchesters aren’t true replicas or reissues; they do have the tang safety common to the newer model Winchesters. But, they offer the 1886 experience to a whole new generation of shooters and hunters, with modern metallurgy, in a rifle capable of handling the modern, stout .45-70 loads like the Hornady 325-grain LeveRevolution at 2050 fps and the Buffalo Bore 400-grain load at 2000 fps.
There are so many excellent lever-action rifles to choose from, including the classic Model 1894 Winchester, the Model 1893 Marlin and Model 1892 Winchester, up through the more modern designs like the Marlin 336 and Winchester Model 88, to the Browning BLR, but to me, the 1886 Winchester remains at the top of the heap.
It is heavier than some of the other designs, but I like the heft and balance of the 1886. It settles down well for the shot, and even the heavier .45-70 loads are tolerable, though the points of that crescent buttplate can and will bruise your shoulder when shooting from the bench.
Whether new or vintage, having a Model 1886 in your safe is never a bad idea, and it makes a great choice for nearly any big game at ranges suitable for the big rimmed cartridges. I still enjoy shooting Dad’s Browning—now almost 35 years old—and enjoy his smile when he shoots it. I’m still on the hunt for an ’86 of my own, probably a vintage takedown, but who knows; there are so many cool variations one never knows what can be found in an old gun shop.
Peaceful, Legal Ways States, Churches, And Pro-Lifers Can Stop Abortion Radicals’ Violence
IMAGE CREDITCBS DENVER / YOUTUBE
Even if the Biden administration refuses to quell threats and intimidation, pro-lifers and religious believers have – and should use – the remedies that the law provides for them.
Pro-abortion groups this past week have called for increased lawlessness to express their opposition to the expected reversal of the Supreme Court’s decision in Roe v. Wade. Apparently having failed to persuade either the court of the soundness of their legal position or Congress of the necessity of codifying Roe in a federal statute, these groups are committing, or threatening to commit, hate crimes targeting churches and worshippers.
The real or intended victims of these outrages are not defenseless. The legal system affords them robust protections against violations of their right to free exercise of religion. These include both federal and state criminal and civil remedies and private civil actions under federal and state law.
Churches and congregants alike should make full use of our legal system to protect themselves against pro-abortion forces that are vandalizing church property and attempting to intimidate believers as they worship. Not only do they owe it to themselves to defend their religious liberty, they have a duty to the larger community to combat these unmistakable hate crimes.
To date, President Biden has failed to personally denounce these threats to religious liberty by the pro-abortion forces that are Democrats’ political allies and core constituents. So has his Justice Department, which was quick to condemn parents appearing at public school board meetings. An unnamed White House official made a meaningless comment, and Press Secretary Jen Psaki finally condemned “violence, threats, or vandalism” on Twitter Monday, but the president himself has yet to speak out against pro-abortionists’ recent violent tactics.
Biden and Attorney General Merrick Garland should be publicly shamed if their inaction continues. And if the administration chooses to turn a blind eye as the legal rights of American believers are trashed, state attorneys general can and should fill the breach.
Private persons can also bring tort actions under federal and state law, and if successful might obtain monetary damages in amounts that could be a significant blow to the pro-abortion movement and its (often undisclosed) donors.
Two Forms of Attack on Religious Liberty
The assaults on religious liberty are coming in two forms. One is the vandalization of church property, such as happened in Boulder, Colo., soon after the leak of the draft Supreme Court opinion in Dobbs. Vandals broke the windows and spray-painted over the doors of the Sacred Heart of Mary Church and left pro-abortion messages, including “keep your religion off our bodies” and “my body, my choice.”
Over the past two years, Colorado has seen a series of attacks (not all proclaiming pro-abortion views) on Catholic churches. These attacks include one last October on the Cathedral Basilica of the Immaculate Conception in Denver, and another in September on St. Louis Catholic Church in a Boulder suburb (involving pro-abortion graffiti).
What is happening in Colorado unfortunately has been happening throughout the country. In January, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops reported that there had been at least 129 attacks on Catholic churches in 35 states and the District of Columbia since May 2020. Secular sources like The Wall Street Journal have noted the increase in desecration of Catholic churches as well. If Roe is indeed overruled, expect worse.
In a second line of attack, the shadowy pro-abortion group Ruth Sent Us has called, not only for demonstrations outside the homes of six Supreme Court justices, but also for the disruption of services in Catholic churches on Mother’s Day during Sunday mass. The group posted a message on Twitter, stating “Whether you’re a ‘Catholic for Choice,’ ex-Catholic, of other or no faith, recognize that six extremist Catholics set out to overturn Roe. Stand at or in a local Catholic Church Sun May 8.”
Protesters disrupted planned services at Old St. Patrick’s Cathedral in New York City, some engaging in grotesque pantomimes of abortion immediately outside the church grounds. Christopher Plant, whose bio says he is the pastor of St. Bartholomew the Apostle Catholic Church in Katy, Texas, took to Twitter on Monday to report that the church’s tabernacle had been stolen the night before.
Meanwhile, a Molotov cocktail was thrown into the headquarters of pro-life group Wisconsin Family Action in Madison, Wis., with the words “If abortions aren’t safe you aren’t either” graffitied outside. A pro-life center in Denton, Texas was also defaced.
Federal Remedy: The FACE Act
These dangers to the peaceful exercise of religious liberties must be confronted and overcome. Even if the Biden administration refuses to quell threats and intimidation, believers have – and should use – the remedies that the law provides for them.
Of these remedies, one powerful option is, ironically, The Freedom of Access to [Abortion] Clinic Entrances Act (FACE). In an obvious legislative compromise, FACE protects not only abortion facilities, providers, and clients, but also criminalizes actions or attempts intended “by force or threat of force or by physical obstruction” to injure, intimidate or interfere with “any person lawfully exercising or seeking to exercise the First Amendment right of religious freedom at a place of religious worship.” Likewise, FACE criminalizes the actions of anyone who “intentionally damages or destroys the property of a place of religious worship.”
Enforcement of these criminal provisions is, however, in the hands of the vehemently pro-abortion Biden administration, which can be expected to tailor the execution of the laws to its political ends. Even so, FACE offers other means for vindicating religious liberties.
This is because FACE also authorizes churches and individual worshippers injured by the relevant misconduct to bring private actions on their own behalf. If entitled to relief, they may obtain either (or both) an injunction against the misconduct or “compensatory and punitive damages,” along with an award of reasonable legal fees. These legal awards, especially if they include punitive damages, could be crippling for pro-abortion defendants.
Finally, FACE authorizes state attorneys general who find “reasonable cause to believe” that a violation “is being, has been, or may be” occurring, to bring civil actions. The Virginia attorney general has already signaled his intention to refer any criminal violations for prosecution. Concerned citizens should demand that their state attorneys general follow suit.
State Criminal Law Protections
States also commonly have hate crimes statutes that are similar to these federal civil rights laws. Colorado, for example, has at least two statutes that might apply to the vandalization of a Catholic church in that state. One statute makes it a crime knowingly to “desecrate” (which includes defacing) “any place of worship.” It will be interesting to see if the state’s Attorney General Phil Weiser, who served in the Clinton and Obama administrations, will bring a case under the state’s anti-desecration law on behalf of the Catholic churches in his jurisdiction.
Privately Enforceable State Tort Laws
Lawsuits against the pro-abortion extremists who attack churches or worshippers can also be brought under state tort laws by the injured parties. Professor John Banzhaf of George Washington University Law School has argued that civil actions, especially if class actions, can bring justice to those who suffered injuries when “peaceful protests” have turned into violence that damaged their lives or property. For instance, journalist Andy Ngo sued those who beat when while he was covering a “peaceful protest” that turned into a riot, alleging the torts of assault, battery, and intentional infliction of emotional distress as well as a violation of the state’s anti-racketeering act.
Legal Self-Defense
Finally, churches and worshippers should remember that they have a legal right of self-defense against threats to life and limb. The choice of forms that self-defense should take – churches might install security cameras, provide cans of pepper spray to their congregations, or even bring in defenders who openly bear arms – is best left to the consciences of pastors and congregants within the confines of applicable law.
1. Battleships
Once thought to be the cornerstone of naval power, the advent of Naval Aviation and the rise of the aircraft carrier in WWII was the beginning of the end for the large-gunned ships of the line. Though battleships saw continuous combat in WWII and Korea, the US Navy was left without an active battleship upon the decommissioning of the USS Wisconsin in March 1958; the first time since 1895.
Most military enthusiasts are familiar with the Reagan administration’s 600-ship Navy and the reactivation of the battleships USS Iowa, Missouri, New Jersey and Wisconsin. USS New Jersey would be the first to fire her massive 16-inch guns at enemy targets again during the Lebanese Civil War from 1983-1984. USS Missouri and Wisconsin would return to combat in 1991 during the Gulf War. However, USS New Jersey was brought back into active service once before.
RELATED: HOW ONE ILL-ADVISED RADIO TRANSMISSION DOOMED THE BISMARCK
Following the beginning of Operation Rolling Thunder in 1965, the loss of US aircraft over Vietnam increased exponentially. The planes that took part in the sustained aerial bombardment campaign were exceptionally vulnerable to sophisticated Soviet-made surface-to-air weapon systems provided to the North Vietnamese.
In an effort to alleviate these air losses while still delivering ordnance payloads, USS New Jersey was brought out of mothballs in April 1968 and modernized for active service in Southeast Asia. The only active battleship in the world, New Jersey, joined the gun line off the Vietnamese coast on September 25. Five days later, she fired her first shots in over 16 years during an engagement against PAVN targets near the DMZ at the 17th parallel. She would go on to fire 14,891 5-inch shells and 5,688 16-inch shells during the war in support of ARVN, US and even Korean troops.
2. M14 Rifle
An evolution of the famed M1 Garand of WWII and Korea, the M14 battle rifle became the standard-issue rifle for the US military in 1959. Firing the 7.62x51mm NATO round, the M14 was meant to streamline logistics efforts by replacing the M1 Garand, M1903 Springfield, M1917 Enfield, M1 carbine, M3 submachine gun, M1928/M1 Thompson submachine gun, and M1918 Browning Automatic Rifle. While the M14 exhibited outstanding accuracy and stopping power in its semi-automatic setting, its full-power cartridge was deemed too powerful for the submachine gun role and its light weight made it difficult to control during automatic fire as a light machine gun.
RELATED: THE 4 GUNS USED TO MAKE THE LONGEST SNIPER KILLS IN HISTORY
Though the M14 was replaced by the M16 as the standard-issue rifle in 1968, it found a new role as a precision rifle platform. It served as the basis of the M21 Sniper Weapon System introduced in 1968 and M25 Sniper Weapon System introduced in 1991. Though both weapon systems have been largely replaced by the M24 Sniper Weapon System, the M14 lives on as the Mk14 Enhanced Battle Rifle. Introduced in 2002, the Mk14 is a truer reincarnation of the M14. Where the M21 and M25 were restricted to semi-automatic fire, designated as Sniper Weapon Systems and saw more restricted issuance as a result, the Mk14 sees the return of selective fire, the designation as a battle rifle for both designated marksman and close combat roles, and issuance by the Army to two riflemen per infantry platoon deploying to Afghanistan.
3. Guns on fighter planes
With the advent of radar-guided and heat-seeking air-to-air missiles, like the AIM-7 Sparrow and AIM-9 Sidewinder, and the new threat of high-altitude, long-range Soviet bombers, US air combat doctrine called for the elimination of gun armament on fighter-interceptor aircraft. Though dedicated attack and fighter aircraft like the A-4 Skyhawk, A-7 Corsair II and the F-8 Crusader retained 20mm cannons for ground attack and close-range aerial combat, interceptors like the F-86D Sabre, F-102 Delta Dagger and the F-4 Phantom II dispensed with any type of gun armament in favor of rockets and missiles. The idea during the late 50s and early 60s was that these types of aircraft would engage in long-range combat without visual contact of their target and, even if they did get close enough to see the enemy that the new Sidewinder missile would be able to dispense with a hostile fighter with ease.
RELATED: THIS IS WHY ADVANCED FIGHTERS STILL CARRY GUNS
This idea proved to be fatal for pilots over the skies of Vietnam. For Phantom II pilots in particular, who escorted bomber flights over North Vietnam, the lack of a gun often left them without offensive options during a dogfight. A Marine Corps General recalled, “Everyone in RF-4s wished we had a gun on the aircraft.” As any Top Gun fan can tell you, the American air-to-air kill ratio in Korea was 12:1. According to the US Naval Institute, the Navy’s kill ratio in Vietnam was just 2.5:1. The drop in kill ratio was attributed to poor missile accuracy at just 10% and lack of dogfighting skills. The latter resulted in the creation of TOPGUN while the former resulted in the addition of an external gun pod to the Phantom II. An internally mounted gun was incorporated on the later F-4E models.
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Have a nice Sunday! NSFW
