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I Have This Old Gun: Colt Police Positive Target (Second Issue) by JEREMIAH KNUPP

Colt Police Positive Target (Second Issue)

In an effort to outdo Smith & Wesson’s fast-loading, top-break revolvers, Colt brought a solid-frame, swing-out-cylinder revolver to the market in 1889. Its initial models were large-frame handguns in .38 and .41 calibers designed for military use. The success of those models led to Colt’s introduction of smaller-scaled double-actions for the law-enforcement and civilian markets.

The Colt New Pocket, a six-shot revolver offered in various .32-cal. cartridges, was introduced in 1893. Three years later, the New Police was introduced, which married the New Pocket frame with a larger grip for law-enforcement duty. It was promptly adopted by the New York City Police Dept. at the urging of then-police commissioner Theodore Roosevelt.

revolver, triggerThe New Pocket was replaced by the Pocket Positive in 1905. This model got its name from the “Positive Lock” mechanism patented by Colt in 1905 that prevented the revolver from firing unless the trigger was pulled. Likewise, the New Police adopted the same mechanism and added the option of .38 New Police or .38 S&W chamberings to become the Police Positive. Along with Colt’s large-frame Official Police, the Police Positive would go on to be a popular law-enforcement sidearm, and just more than 1,000 were supplied to the British during World War II.

As with the New Police, a target version of the Police Positive was made. It featured a 6″ barrel and an adjustable rear sight with the topstrap of the frame matted to reduce glare. The trigger and backstrap were checkered. In addition to the .32 cartridges offered in the Police Positive, the Target model was also available chambered in .22 Long Rifle and .22 WRF. In 1923, hard rubber stocks were replaced by checkered walnut, and the cylinder’s chambers were recessed after 1934. A nickel finish was offered on both the standard and target models.

Like the Police Positive, the Target model was made in two versions. The First Issue was made from 1905 through 1925. The Second Issue began in 1926 and had a slightly heavier frame that increased the overall weight of the revolver by about 4 ozs.

The Police Positive Target would serve as a small-frame companion to Colt’s large-frame Officers Model Target. According to Colt’s marketing literature, it was “a fine arm and made to meet the demand for a light, small caliber Target Revolver—medium in price—for both indoor and outdoor shooting; light, smooth pull, well balanced, with the full Colt Grip.” The combination of an affordable price and manageable size meant that the Police Positive Target was more likely to be found on the belt of an outdoorsman than on the competition range. Consequently, many will be found, like the example pictured, with holster wear.

While production of the standard Police Positive would continue until 1947, the last Police Positive Target models were made in 1941. About 28,000 were produced over its production run. The legacy of Colt’s solid-frame, swing-out cylinder, double-action revolvers, like the Police Positive, lives on in the company’s current Anaconda, Python and Cobra models.

The Police Positive Target pictured is a Second Issue model manufactured in late 1930. It is in NRA Good Condition and is valued at $650.

Like the Police Positive, Target models will be encountered with British proofs. Target models in one of the .32-cal. chamberings will bring about a 40 percent premium compared to the rimfire versions.

Gun: Colt Police Positive Target
Manufacturer: Colt’s Mfg. Co.
Chambering: .22 Long Rifle
Manufactured: 1930
Condition: NRA Good (Modern Gun Standards)

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Rhodesian FAL – The Based Battle Rifle

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Grumpy's hall of Shame Some Sick Puppies!

Good riddance – The hanging of the serial killer John Brown* happened 164 years ago today!

And yes my family did NOT ride for Mr. Lincoln! Grumpy

*The Pottawatomie massacre occurred on the night of May 24–25, 1856, in the Kansas Territory. In reaction to the sacking of Lawrence by pro-slavery forces on May 21, and the telegraphed news of the severe attack on May 22 on Massachusetts Senator Charles Sumner, for speaking out against slavery in Kansas (“The Crime Against Kansas”), John Brown and a band of abolitionist settlers—some of them members of the Pottawatomie Rifles—made a violent reply. Just north of Pottawatomie Creek, in Franklin County, they killed five pro-slavery settlers, in front of their families. This soon became the most famous of the many violent episodes of the “Bleeding Kansas” period, during which a state-level civil war in the Kansas Territory was described as a “tragic prelude” to the American Civil War which soon followed. “Bleeding Kansas” involved conflicts between pro- and anti-slavery settlers over whether the Kansas Territory would enter the Union as a slave state or a free state. It is also John Brown’s most questionable act, both to his friends and his enemies. In the words of abolitionist Frederick Douglass, it was “a terrible remedy for a terrible malady.”[1]: 371 

Background[edit]

John Brown was particularly affected by the sacking of Lawrence, in which the Douglas County Sheriff Samuel Jones on May 21st led a posse that destroyed the presses and type of the Kansas Free State and the Herald of Freedom, Kansas’s two abolitionist newspapers, the fortified Free State Hotel, and the house of Charles Robinson. He was the free-state militia commander-in-chief and leader of the “free state” government, established in opposition to the “bogus” pro-slavery territorial government, based in Lecompton.

A Douglas County grand jury had ordered the attack because the hotel “had been used as a fortress” and an “arsenal” the previous winter, and the “seditious” newspapers were indicted because “they had urged the people to resist the enactments passed” by the territorial governor.[2] The violence against abolitionists was accompanied by celebrations in the pro-slavery press, with writers such as Dr. John H Stringfellow of the Squatter Sovereign proclaiming that pro-slavery forces “are determined to repel this Northern invasion and make Kansas a Slave State; though our rivers should be covered with the blood of their victims and the carcasses of the Abolitionists should be so numerous in the territory as to breed disease and sickness, we will not be deterred from our purpose.”[3]: 162 

Brown was outraged by both the violence of pro-slavery forces and by what he saw as a weak and cowardly response by the anti-slavery partisans and the Free State settlers, whom he described as “cowards, or worse”.[3]: 163–166  In addition, two days before this massacre, Brown learned about the caning of abolitionist Charles Sumner by the pro-slavery Preston Brooks on the floor of Congress.[4][5][full citation needed]

Attack[edit]

A Free State company under the command of John Brown Jr. set out, and the Osawatomie company joined them. On the morning of May 22, 1856, they heard of the sack of Lawrence and the arrest of Deitzler, Brown, and Jenkins. However, they continued their march toward Lawrence, not knowing whether their assistance might still be needed, and encamped that night near the Ottawa Creek. They remained in the vicinity until the afternoon of May 23, at which time they decided to return home.

On May 23, John Sr. selected a party to go with him on a private expedition. John Jr. objected to their leaving his company, but seeing that his father was obdurate, acquiesced, telling him to “do nothing rash.” The company consisted of John Brown, four of his sons—Frederick, Owen, Salmon, and Oliver—Thomas Wiener, and James Townsley (who claimed later that he had been forced by Brown to participate in the incident), whom John had induced to carry the party in his wagon to their proposed field of operations.

Letter of Mahala Doyle to John Brown, when he was in jail awaiting execution, November 20, 1859: “Altho vengence is not mine, I confess, that I do feel gratified to hear that you ware stopt in your fiendish career at Harper’s Ferry, with the loss of your two sons, you can now appreciate my distress, in Kansas, when you then and there entered my house at midnight and arrested my husband and two boys and took them out of the yard and in cold blood shot them dead in my hearing, you cant say you done it to free our slaves, we had none and never expected to own one, but has only made me a poor disconsolate widow with helpless children while I feel for your folly. I do hope & trust that you will meet your just reward. O how it pained my Heart to hear the dying groans of my Husband and children if this scrawl give you any consolation you are welcome to it.
NB [postscript] my son John Doyle whose life I begged of (you) is now grown up and is very desirous to be at Charleston [Charles Town] on the day of your execution would certainly be there if his means would permit it, that he might adjust the rope around your neck if Gov. Wise would permit it.”[6]

They encamped that night between two deep ravines on the edge of the timber, some distance to the right of the main traveled road. There they remained unobserved until the following evening of May 24. Some time after dark, the party left their place of hiding and proceeded on their “secret expedition”. Late in the evening, they called at the house of James P. Doyle and ordered him and his two adult sons, William and Drury, to go with them as prisoners. (Doyle’s 16-year-old son, John, who was not a member of the pro-slavery Law and Order Party, was spared after his mother pleaded for his life.) The three men were escorted by their captors out into the darkness, where Owen Brown and his brother Frederick killed them with broadswords. John Brown Sr. did not participate in the stabbing but fired a shot into the head of the fallen James Doyle to ensure he was dead.

Brown and his band then went to the house of Allen Wilkinson and ordered him out. He was slashed and stabbed to death by Henry Thompson and Theodore Wiener, possibly with help from Brown’s sons.[3]: 172–173  From there, they crossed the Pottawatomie, and some time after midnight, forced their way into the cabin of James Harris at swordpoint. Harris had three house guests: John S. Wightman, Jerome Glanville, and William Sherman, the brother of Henry Sherman (“Dutch Henry”), a militant pro-slavery activist. Glanville and Harris were taken outside for interrogation and asked whether they had threatened Free State settlers, aided Border Ruffians from Missouri, or participated in the sack of Lawrence. Satisfied with their answers, Brown’s men let Glanville and Harris return to the cabin. William Sherman, however, was led to the edge of the creek and hacked to death with swords by Wiener, Thompson, and Brown’s sons.[3]: 177 

Having learned at Harris’s cabin that “Dutch Henry”, their main target in the expedition, was away from home on the prairie, they ended the expedition and returned to the ravine where they had previously encamped. They rejoined the Osawatomie company on the night of May 25.[3][page needed]

In the two years prior to the massacre, there had been eight killings in Kansas Territory attributable to slavery politics, and none in the vicinity of the massacre. Brown killed five in a single night, and the massacre was the match to the powder keg that precipitated the bloodiest period in “Bleeding Kansas” history, a three-month period of retaliatory raids and battles in which 29 people died.[7]

Men killed during the massacre[edit]

  • James Doyle and his sons William and Drury
  • Allen Wilkinson
  • William Sherman

Impact[edit]

The Potawattomie massacre was called by William G. Cutler, author of the History of the State of Kansas (1883), the “crowning horror” of the whole Bleeding Kansas period. “The news of the horrid affair spread rapidly over the Territory, carrying with it a thrill of horror, such as the people, used as they had become to deeds of murder, had not felt before. …The news of the event had a deeper significance than appeared in the abstract atrocity of the act itself. …It meant that the policy of extermination or abject submission, so blatantly promulgated by the Pro-slavery press, and proclaimed by Pro-slavery speakers, had been adopted by their enemies, and was about to be enforced with appalling earnestness. It meant that there was a power opposed to the Pro-slavery aggressors, as cruel and unrelenting as themselves. It meant henceforth, swift retaliation—robbery for robbery—murder for murder— that “he who taketh the sword shall perish by the sword.”[8]

Kansas Senator John James Ingalls in 1884 quoted with approval the judgment of a Free State settler: “He was the only man who comprehended the situation, and saw the absolute necessity for some such blow, and had the nerve to strike it.” This a result of the men killed being leaders in a conspiracy to “drive out, bum and kill; and that Potawatomie Creek was to be cleared of every man, woman and child who was for Kansas being a free State.”[9]

According to Brown’s son Salmon, who participated, it was “the grandest thing that was ever done in Kansas”

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The World’s Most Powerful Non-Nuclear Weapons

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This looks like a lot of fun to me! Well I thought it was neat!

Some very lucky dogs in the ownership department!

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Mauser 9mm Parabellum by Skeeter Skelton – April 1972

Interarms Mauser Parabellum for Sale - Turnbull Restoration

This Interarms import has a four-inch barrel and sports fine workmanship and finish. And it functioned flawlessly.

In the November 1971 issue of Shooting Times, Dick Eades gave a thorough appraisal of the new Mauser version of the time-honored Luger caliber, and he found the Mauser Parabellum to be a quality handgun, indeed.

I have now received a test Parabellum from the importer, in a caliber I consider more desirable – the 9mm Parabellum. My gun is fitted with a four-inch barrel, and shows the same fine workmanship and finish as was demonstrated on the .30 Luger tested earlier.

Machine work on this pistol is of very high quality. Finish is a rich nitrate blue-black. Stocks are of good walnut, and well fitted to the grip frame, with coarse but even checkering. They have a rather square shape, as opposed to the gently rounded originals on pre-war P08 guns, and aren’t quite as comfortable to me.

The new Mauser carries a grip safety in the style of earlier commercial Lugers. While this feature might make the pistol more acceptable for importation under the Gun Control Act of 1968, it is of dubious value and makes the new Parabellum a bit clumsier to handle than Lugers without it.

The test 9mm is superbly accurate, shooting one-inch groups fired two handed from 45 feet. The fixed sights are perfectly regulated, and the S&W/Fiocchi, Super Vel, and Remington ammunition fired was all well centered in the black when a dead center hold was employed.

The trigger pull was rather heavy, about seven pounds, but crisp. Functioning was flawless, with no malfunctions occurring during the run of more than 250 rounds of assorted ammunition, much of it softnosed and hollow pointed. This is unusual reliability for a Parabellum.

The Mauser comes packed with two magazines, a stripping tool, and a cleaning brush. The stripping tool is quite useful in retracting the follower button of the magazines during loading, since their springs are extremely strong. These stiff springs, while a bit of a nuisance when loading, no doubt contribute a great deal to the positive feeding of cartridges in this fine Mauser.

The price of $265 for this new pistol may seem steep, but I defy anyone to find a brand new prewar Luger for that, and would advise them never to fire it if they did. It would be too valuable as a collector’s gun. You get what you pay for, and the Mauser Parabellum is as fine a pistol as any Luger ever made.

It is available from Interarms, Ltd., 10 Prince Ste., Alexandria, Va. 22313.

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Charter Arms 357 Mag Target Bulldog 4.2” barrel

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Skeeter Skelton: Rifleman By Skeeter Skelton

This article first appeared in the July 1982 issue of Shooting Times.

Skeeter wrote about handguns in Shooting Times for more than 20 years, but he was also an accomplished rifleman.

 

Among the most frequent complaints muttered by politicians is the one about having “labels” pinned on them. In other words, they dislike being confined; they want the freedom to move about. While I’m no politician, I sometimes find the label “handgunner” adorning my vest a bit too confining. Fact is, I’ve been a user of centerfire rifles for more than 40 years.

My first rifle, and the only one for a while, had belonged to my dad. It was a bulky, slab-sided Remington Model 8 in .35 Remington, and he had toted this cumbersome semiautomatic annually in the mule deer country of northern New Mexico since before I could remember. When he died, I was too young to go deer hunting by myself and had no one to take me, so I lugged it over the plains of Deaf Smith County, Texas, and plugged a few coyotes with it.

During World War II, ammunition was hard to come by. If you were a rancher or farmer, you were permitted to buy .22 rimfires, shotshells, and .30-30 rifle ammunition. My family farmed and ran a few cattle, and I got the allotment list at the hardware store, buying my full share of everything. Needing a .30-30 to use up my ration in that caliber, I traded for a beat-up old Marlin with a color-casehardened receiver and a halved penny for a front sight. I sometimes toted it horseback in a floppy saddle scabbard, but I don’t remember using it on anything except snakes.

My stint in the Marines began when the war was almost over. My first issue rifle was a new, in-the-cosmolene M1 Garand. This rifle had been made by Winchester. My partner, a high-school pal named Red Reeves, drew a Springfield Arsenal-made M1. Red was a good shot, but I thought I was better.

At the rifle range at Paris Island, South Carolina, I found my M1 shot out in the white to the right of the black at 100 yards with the windage knob cranked clear over.

My coach took his little wrench and moved the front sight so far to the right that it threatened to fall off the barrel. I was still printing right. He then told me to hold “Kentucky windage” and fire for qualification. I did, and I shot marksman. Red, of course, had no trouble and fired the platoon’s only expert score. I nearly died of humiliation. I was issued another M1 in Camp Lejeune, North Carolina, and took it to China. I never fired it.

Shortly after I returned home in 1946, the NRA handled DCM sales of surplus 1903 Springfields and 1917 Enfields. I bought a Springfield for about $17 and also took a friend’s Enfield off his hands. He’d paid $7.50 for it, and both rifles were in excellent condition. About the same time, I bought a .30-40 Krag in nice shape.

A friend who will remain nameless owned a lifetime supply of military .30-06 ammo. He was generous with it, and I got to work out the Springfield and Enfield constantly. I bagged a nice Canadian River gobbler with the Springfield and missed a shot at a mulie buck. I didn’t like the cock-on-close feature of the Enfield, and the Krag required store-bought ammunition, so I gave them up.

Using a pal’s loading press, I worked up a 180-grain .30-06 load, using then-new Hornady bullets and Hodgdon’s surplus 4895 powder. My Springfield had been semi-sporterized, and I managed to Indian up on a deer and introduce him to Hornady’s pride and joy.

I decided I needed a really deluxe rifle to go along with my several handguns. Gunsmith Potsy Baker offered to build one to my specifications, and his price was right. To get the funds for my basic rifle components, I had Potsy sell my dad’s Remington .35, my pet snubnose S&W Military & Police .38 Special, and a battered old Colt SA I kept as a spare.

Potsy used the proceeds to buy a commercial FN Mauser action, a Buhmiller barrel blank in .270 Winchester, and a premium-grade Bishop stock blank. As the work went on, I swapped for a Buehler one-piece scope mount, a new Weaver K4 scope, and a Timney trigger.

No speed demon, Potsy took a little more than a year to mold everything together. The result was a beautiful 8-pound .270 sporter that would stay inside a quarter at 100 yards. Before I got to try out this jewel on big game, I fell on hard times. I had to sell it for $205, which was a month’s pay back then. I’ve mourned it ever since.

When I entered the Border Patrol, I was chagrined to learn the issue rifle was the .35 Remington Model 81, a later version of my dad’s old Model 8. The armsroom in the Tucson sector headquarters held a rack of them, a rack of Reising submachine guns, some cased commercial Thompsons, and two or three Winchester Model 70s in .30-06. There was also one .30-30 Winchester Model 94 in a saddle scabbard. Buck Smith and I were the only Patrol Inspectors who rode horse patrol every day, and I decided to carry the .30-30, which had a great deal more ranging power than the issue Colt New Service .38 Special.

I prevailed on Gordon Pettingill, the acting chief, to issue me the .30-30 as a reward for passing probationary Spanish and law exams. I soon got tired of having to haul the carbine out of its scabbard every time I loaded the horses in the trailer or dismounted for a smoke. To have done otherwise would have been to court a broken riflestock, and I soon checked the .30-30 back in.

About this time, I learned that Ward Koozer, a master gunsmith then living in Douglas, Arizona, was converting .25-20 and .32-20 Winchester Model 92 lever actions into .357 Magnum carbines. I quickly acquired a nice .32-20 and sent it down to him, along with a handful of dummy rounds of my favorite .357 handload. When the gun was returned, it delighted me. I have owned several of these .357 carbines over the years, three of them converted by Koozer, and have been served well by them, both in law enforcement and in shooting game up to and including deer.

Back in Texas as a sheriff, I became interested in light sniper rifles and tried a custom .257 Roberts on a Remington action, as well as the first Model 70 Featherweight I ever saw. The Model 70 was chambered in .243; with it, I made the longest game shot of my life and dropped a buck antelope at a range so great I’m afraid to describe it.

At about the same time, I carried a “car gun” in a built-in zippered case attached to the front seat of my sheriff’s car. Much to the glee of my fellow officers, it was a large Winchester Model 86 lever action in .45-70. One neighboring sheriff laughingly offered to trade me two .30-30s for it, but there was no laughter the night I shot the fan off the car of two fugitives as they tried to run our roadblock. Their car quickly overheated and stalled, making them an easy catch.

In the middle ’50s, the DCM turned loose another bunch of 1903A3 Springfields, and I drew a new one. I had Dave Beavers of Hereford, Texas, cut the barrel to 22 inches and turn it to below standard sporter diameter. We replaced the stamped trigger guard and floorplate with milled ones and installed a custom safety and trigger. The stock was fashioned from a Fajen blank, and a full pistol grip was left on it. The scope was again a Weaver K4 (my idea of an all-around rifle sight). Caliber was left .30-06 (my idea of an all-around rifle caliber). The outfit weighs 7 pounds with sling.

I’ve had this rifle for almost 30 years, and it’s still a tackdriver. I have taken antelope with it, as well as whitetail deer in Texas and Mexico. It has brought home an abundance of mule deer from Texas, New Mexico, and Colorado. I packed it horseback into the wilds of northern British Columbia, and I used it to down a nice bull moose with one shot at 300 yards. It is my favorite rifle.

Everybody in the Southwest began shooting their rifles at metallic silhouettes a few years ago. This seemed the thing to do, so I equipped myself with a new Remington Model 700 in .308 Winchester, topping it with a Weaver K6 glass. I haven’t shot all the silhouettes I intended to, but my son Bart put a sleek spike mulie in the freezer with this one.

Ed Nolan of Sturm, Ruger & Co. presented me with a medium-weight Model 77 in .22-250 caliber some years ago. I installed it with a Weaver 3-9X variable and bought loading dies and bullets. I believe it is the most accurate rifle I’ve ever used. There are few prairie dogs around my part of the desert, but coyotes are here in force. I soon found it was no challenge to shoot coyotes with my .22-250. If they were still–or just fairly still–and I could see them, they were usually history. I gave the Ruger .22-250 to a Texas friend of mine who lives in prairie dog country, and it has found a home.

The great Vermejo Park Ranch in northern New Mexico is justifiably famous for its tremendous elk herds, and I hunted there a couple of seasons ago. A meat hunter, I’m not in the habit of looking for trophy heads, and a dry cow or a doe or a spike generally fills my needs to perfection. But something on this trip made me decide that nothing less than a six-point bull would do me. I’d never gone after an elk, and being determined to get the job done, I unlimbered my Ruger No. 1 .375 H&H Magnum. I conjured up some very accurate loads consisting of the Speer 285-grain Grand Slam bullet over a healthy charge of 4895. The Ruger shot like a show pony.

Within the first hour of the first day of my hunt, I jumped a small group of elk not 100 yards from me. I looked at them through the scope, resting the rifle on a fencepost, and found the crosshairs on the tail bone of a bull slowly trotting away from me. He was big and in good flesh, but he was only a five-pointer. I let him go and, of course, didn’t get another shot during the entire hunt.

I did take home an elk. Partner Evan Quiros gave me his rather than haul it all the way back to South Texas. It was, naturally, a six-pointer.

My Ruger Mini-14, my original Winchester 92 .44-40 short rifle, and my iron-sighted Ruger No. 1 .45-70 are all rifles that give me pleasure. I have quite a few more that are oiled and ready to go when the occasion demands. One is a Ruger Model 77 in 7mm Magnum. Maybe a cow elk will get acquainted with it this winter.

It’s said I’m a handgunner, pure and simple. My riflemen pals emphasize the “simple.” One day I’ll surprise them and write a story about rifles.

 

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Ma Deuce: The Venerable Browning M2 .50 Caliber HMG