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THE 1903 SPRINGFIELD SPORTER – BY JOHN BARSNESS

A nostalgic look at America’s classic bolt-action hunting rifle.

Photo above: Barsness’s Springfield Sporter was built by Frank Pachmayr in the 1930s. Originally a .35 Whelen, it was later rechambered to .358 Norma Magnum. 

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the U.S. Army decided it needed a more modern bolt-action rifle. Since 1892, the Army had been using variations of the Krag-Jorgenson rifle, which was chambered for the .30 U.S round commonly known as the .30-40 Krag. Despite America winning the 1898 Spanish-American War in Cuba, it did not go unnoticed that the 1895 Mauser rifles used by Spain could be reloaded far quicker than Krags, which had a rather clumsy, hinge-topped magazine on the side of the action. The 1895s used disposable “stripper-clips” that could be inserted quickly into the top of the action, instantly loading five rounds.

The Army designed a new action, which used stripper clips so similar to the Mauser’s that the U.S. Government had to pay royalties to the Mauser company. The action itself was a combination of Mauser and Krag features, and in 1903 was accepted as the new service rifle.

The U.S. also “designed” a new cartridge for the 1903 rifle, strongly resembling the first smokeless German military round, today known in the U.S. as the 8×57 Mauser. The 8×57 had a rimless case, formed by cutting an extractor groove around the case-head, resulting in a rim the same diameter as the cartridge body.

The 1903 Springfield’s cartridge was also rimless, and in another not-so-astonishing coincidence, featured the same 12mm (.472 inch) rim diameter as the 8×57. The overall case was slightly longer, and used the same 220-grain roundnose bullet as the .30-40 Krag, at a muzzle velocity of 2,300 fps.

Soon afterward, however, Germany dropped the 8×57’s heavy round-nose bullet, switching to a 154-grain spitzer (pointed) bullet at a muzzle velocity around 2,800 fps. The faster, sleeker bullet extended the 8×57’s range considerably, and the U.S. again followed the German lead by switching to a 150-grain spitzer at 2,700 fps. Officially termed the “cartridge, ball, caliber .30, Model of 1906,” it soon became known as the .30-06.

Hunters started using the new rifle and round, which resulted in a major secondary industry, converting 1903 Springfield military rifles into sporters. The first and most famous 1903 was ordered from Springfield Armory by President Theodore Roosevelt in 1904. The Armory fitted a custom-made sporter stock, partly fashioned after one of Roosevelt’s Winchester rifles, with a short fore-end, cheekpiece, and commercial buttplate, and replaced the military open sights with Lyman sporting sights.

The Pachmayr rifle has an s-curved bolt handle, which just clears the rear of the Lyman Alaskan scope. Typical of Springfield sporters during its era, it also has a Lyman 48 receiver sight, with a removable elevation slide.

Even for America’s commander-in-chief, this work wasn’t free. Roosevelt paid $42.13 for the job, equivalent to around $1,200 today, and in 1905 he took a Colorado black bear with the rifle, using the military 220-grain load. It was also one of three rifles he took on his long, post-presidential East African safari in 1909-10, along with an 1895 Winchester lever-action in .405 WCF and a Holland & Holland .500/.450 double. He used the newer 150-grain spitzer .30-06 ammo; the pointed bullet tended to tumble when hitting game, killing quickly.

Roosevelt’s book about the safari, African Game Trails, alerted plenty of hunters to the 1903 Springfield’s potential, including Roosevelt’s friend, the well-known author Stewart Edward White, who in 1910 commissioned gunsmith Louis Wundhammer to build five Springfield sporters—one for him, and four for friends.

Wundhammer was born in Bavaria but by 1910 lived in Los Angeles, a hotbed of custom sporting rifles during much of the twentieth century. White’s rifle was apparently the first commercially made Springfield sporter, and of course he also published a book about his 1912 safari.

From then on a 1903 Springfield sporter became the rifle for cutting-edge American sportsmen. The list of well-known Springfield fans includes Ernest Hemingway (who ordered his from Griffin & Howe), and Army officer and author Townsend Whelen, who owned several Springfield sporters made by various gunsmiths.

Eventually even Springfield Armory produced a sporting version, which could be purchased by members of the National Rifle Association. Several thousand were sold from 1924 to 1933. They resembled a plainer version of Roosevelt’s rifle, but had a Lyman receiver sight, the Model 48, developed specifically for the 1903 rifle.

Custom 1903 Springfields attracted such lofty customers partly because most American “authorities” (including Whelen) considered the 1903 a better action than the 1898 Mauser used by many gunsmiths and European firearms companies—not necessarily mechanically, but in manufacturing quality. Military 98 Mausers were made all over the world in vast numbers, sometimes by factories not so concerned about fit and finish, and even some gunsmiths in Germany made Springfield sporters.

I started slowly falling under the spell of the Springfield after beginning to hunt big game in the 1960s, when the Civilian Marksmanship Program sold a bunch of “war surplus” 1903 Springfields to retail companies. Many local hunters bought surplus Springfields, some using the rifles as-is, especially the less expensive 1903A3 version produced by Remington and the L.C. Smith & Corona Typewriter Company during World War II, which had an aperture sight better for field use than the open sights of the original 1903.

The 1960s were the last gasp of converting original 1903 Springfields to sporting rifles; by the 1970s, original military rifles started becoming too valuable to convert. I bought my first Springfield sporter in the 1970s, a typical 1960s “garage” job converted for scope use, with a semi-inletted walnut stock and a Canjar custom trigger. I spiffed up the stock a little, and hunted with the rifle for several years.

A quarter-century later I started lusting after one of the classic custom Springfields made before World War II, in large part due my friend Tim Crawford giving me a brand-new book in 2005, Custom Gunmakers of the 20th Century, written by Michael Petrov, a rifle loony from Anchorage, Alaska. Petrov had published a series of articles about custom Springfields for the now-defunct Precision Shooter magazine, which they eventually collected in book form.

Reading Petrov taught me a lot more about Springfield sporters, and a year later I ran across The One, on the late Ike Ellis’s table at a local gun show. Ike was a fine custom stockmaker who owned a big sporting goods store in Idaho Falls, so he knew his stuff. This particular Springfield had a classic, highly-figured black walnut stock, finely and extensively checkered in a fleur-de-lis pattern, with the requisite Lyman 48 receiver sight and Lyman Alaskan scope in a detachable Griffin & Howe side-mount.

But it also had white-line spacers between the ebony fore-end tip and grip cap, and a ventilated Pachmayr white-line recoil pad. This seemed odd for a custom rifle typical of the pre-World War II era—until I picked it up and saw “Frank Pachmayr” engraved on the barrel.

Frank and his father, Gus, were among the very top custom gunsmiths of the pre-World War II era. Like Wundhammer, they were based in Los Angeles, so had plenty of great stock wood from California walnut groves. Frank came up with the concept of white-line spacers before the war, even making some from elephant ivory.

The detachable Griffin & Howe side-mount was considered the ultimate mount back when rifle scopes weren’t as reliable as they are today.

The barrel was engraved “.35 Whelen,” but the tag read “.358 Norma Magnum,” one of the many .30-06-length belted magnums that appeared in the two decades after the war. No doubt the rifle got converted then, when the Whelen was still a wildcat and the Norma a new factory round. The rifle seemed like such a perfect illustration of Springfield sporter history that of course, I succumbed.

Eileen and I ended up in Alaska a couple years later, on our way to open ptarmigan season with our outfitter friends Phil Shoemaker, his wife, Rocky Harrison, and their kids Tia and Taj. Of course Phil knew Mike Petrov, and told him we’d be overnighting at an Anchorage motel. Mike invited us to dinner, and we had a great evening with him and his wife, Janet, much of it among his collection of fine rifles. Mike and I kept in touch, and in 2013 he sent me a copy of Volume Two of Custom Gunmakers of the 20th Century, an even more impressive collection of new and updated information.

Unfortunately, Mike passed away a year later, but through the books his knowledge of Springfield sporters lives on—though they now sell for far more than the original $16.95. For hunters who’d like to learn almost everything about classic Springfield sporters, they’re worth the price.

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Biden Creates New Office to Funnel Taxpayer Funds to Gun Control Advocacy

Professional gun control advocates have always had a seat at the table in the Biden White House. Now, however, they will not only sit at the table but determine its menu, set it, and compile the guest list for it. This comes under a new initiative launched by Joe Biden last Friday to establish an Office of Gun Violence Prevention, to be overseen by none other than Kamala Harris.

But while the effort is supposedly being run by the White House “to reduce gun violence,” its real purpose is to employ professional gun control advocates and amplify their propaganda and agenda with taxpayer dollars.

There are different ways to look at this effort.

One is to dismiss it as a publicity stunt and a way to appease the always demanding, never satisfied gun control lobby, which is a key constituency of the Biden-Harris Administration. After all, the new office has no congressional authorization, no dedicated congressional appropriation, no policy-making or enforcement authority, and no clearly defined reason for being, other than a vague mandate to “coordinate” the administration’s efforts on guns.

The appointment of Harris as its nominal head is perhaps telling, as she has a dismal favorability rating (including with Democrats), a reputation for speaking incoherently, and precious little success in shepherding consequential legislation through Congress. Even the administration’s collaborators in the press can’t seem to settle on a consistent narrative about her, sometimes portraying her as a liability to the Biden ticket and the party and sometimes trying to rehabilitate her image. Harris’ “oversite” portfolio also includes “stemming the migration on the southern border,” where the situation has only gotten worse from national sovereignty, human rights, and law enforcement standpoints.

Besides unchecked illegal immigration that strains infrastructure and social services (leading even the Democrat mayor of New York City to characterize is as an existential crisis for the city), America’s porous border promotes smuggling of contraband and persons, often with deadly consequences. If there is a more disliked and ineffectual politician in D.C. than Kamala Harris, it’s hard to imagine who it is.

But it would be foolish to dismiss the fact that the office’s creation represents a new milestone in an ever-expanding gun control infrastructure that encompasses the legacy media, academia, the digital technology sector, and significant portions of institutional medicine and the entertainment industry. Meanwhile, the executive branch itself is increasingly being weaponized against gun owners and the gun industry in the form of persecutory rulemakings and enforcement policies.

Having a dedicated office of fulltime zealots to interface with this infrastructure could indeed go a long way toward provoking the generational change in hearts and minds necessary to disrupt long-established freedoms, traditions, and legal regimes. The U.S. is currently undergoing its own Cultural Revolution, of sorts, and our Second Amendment rights are not immune to its effects. The newly-created office, if competently administered, could help nudge that process along.

But what is clear is that Biden is determined to use the White House’s own (apparently vast) budget to employ professional gun control advocates at the public’s expense. Previously, the most blatant and egregious example of this was its nomination of a “senior policy advisor” and paid shill for the gun control lobby to head the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, which enforces federal firearm laws. The effort to nominate David Chipman to that role fortunately went down in flames, thanks to your NRA’s all-out opposition.

But the deputy directors of the new office include Robert Wilcox, who will also serve as special assistant to the president. Wilcox previously worked as the senior director of federal government affairs at Everytown for Gun Safety. There, his salary was underwritten by billionaire anti-gunner Michael Bloomberg. In his new role, however, it will be paid with YOUR federal taxes. Wilcox as an anti-gun lobbyist pushed such radical policies as banning America’s most popular rifle, the AR-15; banning private firearm transfers; holding law-abiding firearm dealers accountable for the acts of criminals; and limiting the capacity of magazines used in self-defense firearms.

Wilcox is not just another policy wonk or expert bureaucrat whose job is to serve the public at large. He is an activist dedicated to the destruction of Americans’ Second Amendment rights. And now money coming out of YOUR pocket will fund his life’s work.

Chipman’s appointment was subject to Senate approval. Wilcox’s is not. But it is just as clearly a thumb in the eye to hardworking Americans who are struggling to get by in Joe Biden’s economy and who believe in the Right to Keep and Bear Arms.

What can best be hoped for Biden’s new antigun office is what can often best be hoped for other unnecessary and politically-charged appendages to the federal bureaucracy: that it spend money while doing and accomplishing nothing. Your NRA will be monitoring its operations carefully and will report on any noteworthy developments.

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Prof. Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain, one of the reasons why the Yaankees won at Gettysburg

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Whitworth Rifle – Hexagons are Bestagons

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A COLT OFFICER’S MATCH REVOLVER in .22 LR

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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A Smith & Wesson, The Highway Patrolman Pre-Model 28 in caliber .357 Magnum

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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The Mountain Meadows Massacre

Mountain Meadows Massacre, Utah

Mountain Meadows Massacre, Utah, 1857

Mountain Meadows Massacre – 1889 Account

Primary Assassins

Wagon Train Members, Victims & Survivors

Historical Accounts and Testimony

“If any miserable scoundrels come here, cut their throats.” — Brigham Young

On September 11, 1857, approximately 120 men, women, and children in a wagon train from Arkansas were murdered by a band of Mormons set on a holy vengeance. Known as the Mountain Meadows Massacre, the history of this event continues to generate fierce controversy and deep emotions even to this day.

In April, the California bound wagon train assembled near Crooked Creek, Arkansas, approximately four miles south of present-day Harrison. The group included some 120-150 men, women and children, primarily from northwestern Arkansas, as well as hundreds of draft and riding horses and about 900 head of cattle. When the train began its journey it was first identified as the Baker train; however, en route, it became known as the Fancher train.

Mountain Meadows Massacre Site

Mountain Meadows Massacre Site by Kathy Weiser-Alexander.

As the emigrants were traveling westward, tension was mounting among the Mormon people of Utah. Receiving distorted reports of terrible activities in the state, President James Buchanan had sent a new governor to replace the existing Mormon governor in office, Brigham Young. At the same time, there were widely reported news reports that President Buchanan had ordered a large contingent of the US Army to Utah to suppress what he believed was a “Mormon rebellion.”

These actions contributed to a general distrust of outsiders and non-Mormons as the Mormon people feared their own destruction by the federal government. As a result, Brigham Young issued a proclamation of martial law on August 5th which, among other things, forbade people from traveling through the territory without a pass. In addition, the citizens of Utah were discouraged from selling food to immigrants, especially for animal use.

It was into this atmosphere that the weary emigrants arrived in Salt Lake City on about August 10, 1857. A critical stop, the wagon train members needed to refurbish their equipment, refresh themselves and their stock, and replenish their supplies. The once friendly Mormons, usually eager to trade agricultural commodities for manufactured goods, were now hostile and reluctant to trade.

The wagon train was then told by a Mormon guide that they should take the southern route because the northern route was dangerous due to Indian attacks and had the potential for severe winter weather, while the southern route provided for more fodder for their stock and less danger.

The leaders of the train made the ill-fated decision to retrace their steps and take the southern route. However, there were some in the group who decided to continue on the path along the Humboldt River. The train was then divided with the understanding that it would later be reunited.

Though the vast majority of the train members headed southward, most historians believe today that the group easily could have made the northern trek with little difficulty. And in fact, those that did, including Malinda Cameron Scott, and her children, along with the Page Family and others, did successfully make the trek, arriving safely in California in October 1857.

As the Fancher train moved south without a pass from the Mormons, contact with the local settlers became more abrasive. Rumors began to circulate that among the Fancher party were members of a mob that killed Mormon founder Joseph Smith, Jr. years previously. The rumors were embellished with each telling and by the time the wagon train reached Cedar City, reports of gross misconduct were believed. With hungry bellies and injured feelings, the Fancher train proceeded through Cedar City westward as the locals held meetings to determine what was to be done about the interlopers.

At the edge of the desert between Utah and California, about 35 miles southwest of Cedar City, the wagon train stopped to rest and recuperate for several days in a meadow surrounded by numerous springs. In the meantime, the militia back in Cedar City had decided that the Fancher train should be eliminated.

At dawn on September 7, 1857, the travelers were besieged by Mormon-allied Paiute and militiamen disguised as Indians. Though the wagons were drawn into a circle, making a strong defensive barrier, seven were killed and 16 wounded in the first assault. For the next five days, the siege continued while the wagon train resisted.

On Thursday evening, September 10th, Major John M. Higbee handed John D. Lee orders from Colonel Isaac C. Haight in Cedar City to “decoy the emigrants from their position, and kill all of them that could talk.

Mountain Meadows Massacre, T.B.H. Stenhouse, 1873

Mountain Meadows Massacre, T.B.H. Stenhouse, 1873

On Friday morning, September 11, 1857, John D. Lee carried a flag of truce to the encamped wagon train. The party, low on water and ammunition, welcomed the militiamen believing that they had arrived to save them. The emigrants were made an offer to leave all of their possessions to the Indians and be conducted safely back to Cedar City.

Eagerly accepting the conditions, the small children and wounded were placed in the wagons, followed by the women and older children walking in a group. The men trailed the women, walking alongside their armed militia protectors.

After having traveled about a mile and a half, Major John M. Higbee rose up in his stirrups and shouted “Do your duty!”, whereupon all but the young children were slaughtered, either by their armed escorts or by hidden Paiute. An estimated 120 unarmed men, women, and older children were killed; 17 of the younger children under the age of seven were spared.

  “The scene was one too horrible and sickening for language to describe. Human skeletons, disjointed bones, ghastly skulls and the hair of women were scattered in frightful profusion over a distance of two miles.” 

— A traveler passing through the area in 1859

No effort was made to give the bodies a decent burial and over the next two years, foraging animals scattered the bones over a great distance.

Two days after the massacre, a messenger from Salt Lake City arrived with Brigham Young’s advice to let the wagon train pass without molestation.

The two wagon loads of children who had not been killed were adopted into Mormon homes.

Old Mountain Meadows Marker

Old Mountain Meadows Marker

Appalled by what had been done, and in fear of possible repercussions, Brigham Young led a church cover-up, saying that the Paiute were responsible for the massacre. He wrote that the pioneers had caused the death of a number of Indians by giving them poisoned meat, and by poisoning some of their wells. The cover-up continued to be maintained for the next few years in the face of outside outrage and investigation.

A rock cairn was erected with a carved stone and the words “Here lie the bones of one hundred and twenty men, women and children from Arkansas, murdered on the 11th day of September 1857.” An officer painted a cross-line beam above the cairn with the words “Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord. I will repay.” Captain James Lynch of the U.S. Army took possession of the young survivors and returned them to relatives in Arkansas. The children arrived in Carroll County on September 15, 1859, two years after the massacre.

“The Mountain Meadows Massacre stands without a parallel amongst the crimes that stain the pages of American history. It was a crime committed without cause or justification of any kind to relieve it of its fearful character… When nearly exhausted from fatigue and thirst, [the men of the caravan] were approached by white men, with a flag of truce, and induced to surrender their arms, under the most solemn promises of protection. They were then murdered in cold blood.”

— William Bishop, Attorney to John D. Lee

Although there were many investigations, no punishment was handed out for the crime until 20 years later. John D. Lee, Major of the Fourth Battalion of the militia at Harmony, was excommunicated from the Mormon Church and later made the scapegoat in the entire affair. Tried twice, he was finally convicted and executed by firing squad at the siege site on March 23, 1877, for his role in the affair.

Before his death, Lee wrote out a full confession admitting his reluctant complicity. He claimed he was a scapegoat for the many Mormons, including leaders George A. Smith and Isaac C. Haight at the least, responsible for the massacre. In May 1961, the Mormon Church posthumously reinstated Lee’s membership.

John D. Lee

The entire truth of the matter will probably never be known because most of the documents and diaries of the participants were destroyed. The extent of Paiute participation in the massacre is a point of disagreement among researchers. Some allege that some of the Mormon militia were dressed as Native Americans. The extent of Mormon participation is also a point of disagreement. Some say the ordering authorities in Cedar City had sent a messenger to Salt Lake City seeking direction from President Brigham Young, and his belated response would allegedly have averted the massacre. Others are unconvinced that even this would absolve Young from responsibility, given the extent of his authority and influence as the leader of the Mormons.

In 1999 a new memorial to the pioneers was erected in Mountain Meadows, Utah and is maintained by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

Directions:

From Cedar City, north of St. George on Highway15, go west on state highway #56 about 35 miles to the intersection of state highways #56 and #18. Turn south on #18 and go about 11 miles to Enterprise. Continue on south approximately 5 more miles to the Mountain Meadows Massacre site. The monuments are on the south end of the valley.

© Kathy Weiser/Legends of America, updated March 2020.

“I had many to assist me at the Mountain Meadows. I believe that most of those who were connected with the Massacre, and took part in the lamentable transaction that has blackened the character of all who were aiders or abettors in the same, were acting under the impression that they were performing a religious duty. I know all were acting under the orders and by the command of their Church leaders; and I firmly believe that the most of those who took part in the proceedings, considered it a religious duty to unquestioningly obey the orders which they had received. That they acted from a sense of duty to the Mormon Church.”  –  Life and Confessions of John D. Lee

John D. Lee Execution

John D. Lee Execution

Also See:

Mormons in the American West

Brigham Young – Leading the Mormons

Sources:

Mountain Meadows Association
Mountain Meadows Monument Foundation
1857 Iron County Militia
Gibbs, Josiah F., The Mountain Meadows Massacre; Salt Lake Tribune Publishing Co., 1910

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The Battle of Chapultepec: Capturing the Mexican Capital in 1847 (176 years ago and a fight that brought great crdit to both sides)

The Mexican–American War - AMERICAN STUDIES: Quiz-Part 6 - Virily

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A Remington Model 141 The Gamemaster Pump Action Rifle in caliber .35 Rem with a 24″ barrel

With Marlin and Winchester dominating the market for lever action rifles, Remington was looking for a separate niche to exploit. They first attempted this with the Model 8 semi-automatic rifle and while sales were decent, the gun ultimately proved wanting. As a result, Remington developed a separate action altogether, a pump action rifle chambered for large caliber rounds. In 1913, Remington introduced the Model 14 Pump Action Rifle ( also referred to as a slide-action rifle) in four chamberings: .25, .30, .32 and .35 Remington.

Two design features that were particularly novel were in relation to the spiral magazine tube which both prevented the point of one bullet from resting on the primer of the next cartridge and concurrently moved with the fore-end. Remington designer G.H. Garrison reviewed the Model 14 rifle in 1935 and implemented a number of improvements with barrels extended and stocks improved.

The upgraded rifle was christened the Model 141 “Gamemaster”, and a rendition of a brass cartridge head for which the rifle was chambered was embedded in the receiver on the left side just like the original Model 14. These rifles proved quite successful and popular. This specimen has wear typical of an older rifle, but it remains nicely preserved with strong mechanics.

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A Custom Farquharson Rifle in the mighty T Rex Killer round the .500 Nitro Express