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Dictionary definitions of custom-made all include phrases such as “designed and built specifically for one person” or “made to individual order.” How can something we order turn out wrong? Well, as Barry Fitzgerald said in The Quiet Man, “Ooh, I could tell you tales….”
One gunsmith thought a barrel with a slower rifling twist would be just the thing for a custom 7×57. After all, the original twist was for 175-grain bullets, and nobody shoots those anymore, do they? So he installed a match-grade barrel with a 1:11.5-inch twist, which scattered any bullets longer than the 140-grain Nosler Partition into patterns, not groups.
Another put a new, hand-lapped .257 Roberts barrel on a Ruger No. 1. The barrel itself was fine, but he reinstalled the quarter-rib scope base so crookedly the rifle couldn’t be sighted-in with any scope in my collection. Apparently he never range-tested the rifle before shipping it to me. Oh, and he was a self-proclaimed expert on gunsmithing the No. 1.
Another gunsmith promised to build a nice, light .260 Remington. Along with a short Remington 700 action, I sent along a scope. When the rifle arrived it weighed well over 9 pounds, because he’d used a bulky stock with an aluminum-bedding block, plus a set of steel scope mounts sturdy enough to hold a truck axle.
This sort of stuff doesn’t happen only to me. The other day I was e-mailing back and forth with a friend, who told this tale: “I sent an action and barrel to a gunsmith, because he had the finish reamer for the chamber I wanted and the cost for him do all the work was less than $50, including the shipping and insurance. He ‘knew better’ than me and didn’t like my barrel, a stainless Hart, so he bought a barrel he liked and installed it. He never spoke to me about changing the barrel, and charged me full retail on a barrel I could have bought wholesale. We grumbled about this for a while, and he ended up removing his barrel and returning my action and barrel to me. Needless to say, I haven’t recommended him.”
However, screw-ups aren’t always the gunmaker’s fault. Melvin Forbes of New Ultra Arms is well known for delivering what the customer wants—though a few years ago my wife Eileen ordered a Model 20 in .257 Roberts. When it arrived four months late the barrel length and contour were wrong, and the stock had the NULA “soft-stripe” paint job instead of the camo Eileen had ordered. The mix-up was due to the woman who was then Melvin’s office manager, who not only shuffled orders like a deck of cards but sometimes diverted down payments to her own bank account. Luckily, Eileen still liked the rifle a lot, so left it the way it came.
There can be other twists of fate. A couple of years ago I decided to have a traditional .270 Winchester built on an FN Mauser commercial action, with a light-contour barrel and a fancy walnut stock. One gunsmith would do the metal work, and another the stock, and the delivery date would supposedly be “before next deer season.” But the metal guy became really ill shortly after receiving my action. This happens, especially since most traditional gunsmiths aren’t exactly young these days, and he runs a 1-man shop.
So he sent the action to the guy who made the barrel, another excellent gunsmith I’ve used before. However, his several-man shop was backed up, and he hasn’t been able to put my action and barrel together yet. “Next deer season” ended six months ago and the stock guy hasn’t even seen the barreled action.
Of course, gunsmiths often run on a calendar all their own. It may be tempting to call and ask how the project is coming, but more than one gunsmith I know says anybody who calls more than once before the agreed-on delivery date gets their rifle moved to the back of the line.
Most problems can be bypassed by spelling out every detail of the rifle in a written agreement before the work starts. Some custom gunsmiths have an actual contract, but many don’t. I prefer some sort of agreement, because then there shouldn’t be any surprises like different rifling twists or substituting another make of barrel.
The next problem is finding the right gunsmith—or gunsmiths. In building traditional rifles, such as my ongoing .270, the work’s often done by more than one shop, even if you only contract with one gunsmith. This is one reason traditional custom rifles can take so long to build. Yes, it takes more time to inlet, finish and checker a walnut stock than epoxy-bed and paint a synthetic stock, but here’s the sequence involved in making some traditional custom rifles:
1. A metal shop fits the barrel and does any action work necessary. 2. The unblued (“in the white”) barreled action and walnut blank are shipped to another shop, where a stock is custom-turned on a duplicating machine. 3. The turned blank and barreled action are sent to the actual stockmaker, who inlets and finishes the stock. 4. Because the barreled action gets sanded along with the stock, it’s returned to the metal shop for final polishing and bluing. (Somewhere in here it may be engraved as well, though usually by a specialist, not the metal shop. And even the bluing can be done in another shop.) 5. The stockmaker may not do checkering, instead sending the stock to a checkering specialist. 6. Many months or even years later, the barreled action and finished stock are put together and, hopefully, test-fired to make sure everything works right.

On rare occasions you can find a used custom rifle very close to what you want, for a
much lower price. This Mauser 8x57mm was made in Germany before World War II, and John
bought it at a gun show for less than 10 percent of what it would cost to reproduce today.
Some gunsmiths add a surcharge for the handling involved in sending a rifle to various shops. This is fair, because time is money, but it also means you can save some money by hiring individual gunsmiths for barreling, action work, stock fitting, etc. I’ve done this with some of my own rifles. (Another way to save money is to buy used. Like new pickup trucks, the value of custom rifles drops considerably once you take delivery. If you find a used rifle that’s exactly what you want, the price can be half what the original owner paid.)
You also need to hire the right gunsmith. The big problem with my .260 was the definition of “light.” It turned out he primarily made so-called tactical rifles. To him, a .260 weighing over 9 pounds scoped was light, while to me a light hunting rifle weighs no more than 8 pounds scoped.
This wasn’t really his fault. Once in a while a gunsmith approaches a gun writer and offers to make a rifle for a discounted price, hoping for some publicity. The guy approached me and I accepted his offer, without really understanding his background. I solved the problem by installing a lightweight Bansner High-Tech stock on the .260 myself, and switching to much lighter scope mounts, whereupon the rifle weighed a little less than 8 pounds. But if I were looking for a gunsmith to make a lightweight custom rifle I’d go to Melvin Forbes, Mark Bansner, or somebody else who frequently makes lightweights.
Similarly, if I wanted a rifle for African big game, I’d find a gunsmith who has some experience in Africa, like D’Arcy Echols. Many gunsmiths have relatively little experience in big game hunting, but somehow know all about building any sort of big game rifle. I once tested a .458 Winchester Magnum made by a traditional-rifle gunsmith on a commercial Mauser action. The stock was so bulky the bolt handle’s knob barely stuck out beyond the wood, not the ideal combination when a Cape buffalo charges. But by golly the wood was pretty, and the checkering fancy. It turned out the guy’s total hunting experience was Texas deer hunting.
This brings up your wishes vs. the gunsmith’s. You may want a certain feature, for example perhaps a detachable magazine. The gunsmith may recommend against it, not because he dislikes detachable magazines but because he hasn’t found a detachable magazine that will consistently work with the cartridge you want. It would be smart to listen to him.
On the other hand, if he simply rejects all your ideas with no real reason, or doesn’t ask for many details, he might not be an actual custom gunsmith. Many gunsmiths who claim to make custom rifles actually make one type of rifle, their way.
It can help to obtain some references from any potential gunsmith, but today a lot of information on various custom gunsmiths can be found on Internet chat rooms, such as 24hourcampfire.com. You’ll have to sift through a bunch of opinions to get anywhere near the truth, since the Internet makes experts out of everybody able to type (though not necessarily spell). But cyberspace can provide some useful information.
Aside from cost, one reason synthetic-stocked custom rifles are so popular is the entire job can be done in one shop. Two modern-type gunsmiths I’ve used who do provide exactly what the customer wants are Mark Bansner and Charlie Sisk. In fact Mark even makes his own High-Tech synthetic stocks, and Charlie has put them on all the rifles he’s made for me.
In recent years I’ve used Kilimanjaro Rifles for wood-stocked rifles. The stocks all feature their Stealth lamination process, with a strip of wood cut out of the center of the blank and then reversed, and most people don’t realize the wood is laminated unless it’s pointed out. While Kilimanjaro offers rifles designed around basic models, they’ll also build stocks to fit the exact shape of the customer, like the stock on my wife Eileen’s .308 Winchester.
Once you decide on a gunsmith, don’t send more than the deposit they request. Some clients don’t trust themselves with their own money, afraid they’ll spend it on something else before their custom rifle gets finished, so they send the gunsmith a couple hundred bucks now and then. But like taxidermists, most gunsmiths finish jobs quicker when they get paid at the finish line. One long-time custom ’smith (who actually does everything from metal-work to walnut stocks) doesn’t take deposits, admitting he’s more motivated by dollars dancing at the end of the project. Of course, he’s in high demand, so normally doesn’t deliver rifles by next deer season.
When your perfect rifle shows up there are several common reactions. One is happiness, especially if everything ends up the way you wanted. A second is a desire for yet another custom rifle. This isn’t a bad thing—unless you can’t afford it, so end up selling the first rifle to pay for the second. Believe it or not, this is a common syndrome, especially among fans of synthetic-stocked custom rifles.
Shooters who order wooden-stocked rifles seem to hold onto them, partly because the fancy wood, the checkering, and the dimensions of the stock are just as individual as the customer. Plus the rifle usually costs a lot more than a synthetic-stocked rifle, and the wait is longer. The cartridge is also usually a classic, often a round the client’s used for decades before finally springing for his dream rifle. Such customers are usually old enough to truly know what they want, so normally remain satisfied once the rifle’s in their hands.

This custom 7×57 was made on a Remington 700 action and a Bansner High-Tech stock,
and shot beautifully with 140-grain Nosler Partition. But the gunsmith put a
slow-twist barrel on it, without informing John, who discovered it wouldn’t
shoot any bullets longer than 140-grain Nosler Partitions.
Shooters who order synthetic-stocked rifles, on the other hand, tend to follow fads. By the time their new rifle shows up, another trendy cartridge has popped up on the Internet chat rooms, like spring fashions in Paris. Some are very experienced shooters, but some aren’t, since on average they’re younger than clients who order traditional custom rifles. Instead of ordering a rifle chambered for a cartridge they know will work, they’re hoping a new cartridge or rifle will change their lives. If it doesn’t, then they’re on to another project. Often they have several custom rifles in the works at once, and some rifles even get aborted before the finishing line. The Classified section of 24hourcampfire.com almost always has a few ads for an action, stock and barrel somebody’s purchased for their dream rifle, but now they’re selling the parts to finance some other trendy rifle.
This doesn’t mean either approach is right or wrong. The main point of a custom rifle isn’t just a finer firearm, whether in looks or function, but the fun of dreaming up a rifle as an extension of ourselves, and not just a tool we buy at a local store, like a post-hole digger. It’s immaterial whether the rifle is a classic made of walnut and blued steel we’ll treasure for decades, or another milepost along a highway of rifles. It’s us.
By John Barsness
Manufacturers:
Ballard Rifle and Cartridge Company
9562 Sand Lake Hwy.
Onsted, MI 49265
(866) 997-4353
www.gunsmagazine.com/ballard
Mark Bansner
High Tech Specialties, Inc.
P.O. Box 839, Adamstown, PA 19501
(717) 484-0405
www.gunsmagazine.com/hightech-spl
D’Arcy Echols & Co.
98 W. 300 S., Millville, UT 84326
(435) 755-6842
www.gunsmagazine.com/darcy-echols
Brian Gouse Engraving & Gun Sales
234 Montana St., Hinsdale, MT 59241
(406) 364-2227
bpgouse@netmont.net
Kilimanjaro Rifles
707 Richards St., Ste. 201, Honolulu, HI 96813
(877) 351-4440
www.gunsmagazine.com/kilimanjaro
New Ultra Light Arms
P.O. Box 340, Granville, WV 26534
(304) 292-0600
www.gunsmagazine.com/new-ultra-light
Sisk Rifles
400 County Rd. 2340, Dayton, TX 77535
(936) 258-4984
www.gunsmagazine.com/sisk
Doug Wells
Lock, Stock & Barrel
P.O. Box 460304, Huson, MT 59846
(406) 626-4152
here is the original article
http://fmgpublications.ipaperus.com/FMGPublications/GUNS/GUNS0913/?page=60
Former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie signed a bill to ban bump stocks and trigger cranks this week. (Photo: Wikipedia)
Just before leaving office Tuesday for good, New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie signed a bill (S3477/A5200) banning bump stocks.
Effective immediately, it is now illegal to sell or possess the popular rifle accessory. The ban also extends to trigger cranks.
Violators of the new law face stiff penalties, including three-to-five years in prison and a fine of up to $15,000.
There is no grandfather clause for current bump stock owners. Those who own the devices will have 90 days, until April 15, to turn them over to law enforcement. Retailers who sell bump stocks have 30 days.
The actual use of bump stocks was already prohibited in New Jersey, NJ.com reports. Hobbyists and collectors could own the device, however, they could not affix it to a rifle. Now, under the new law, the mere sale or possession is a crime.
“These are simple, easy-to-use devices that increase the firepower and killing power of firearms,” said former state Sen. Raymond Lesniak (D-Union) who sponsored the bill before he retired last week. “There is no legitimate need for these devices.”
Christie offered no comment when signing the bill, which sailed through both Democratically-controlled chambers last month. Not really known for being a pro-gun politician, Christie’s 2A stance has nevertheless evolved over the years.
In a 2016 interview with Sean Hannity, the Republican governor explained why he changed his mind, going from supporting gun control to opposing it.
“Well listen, in 1995, Sean, I was 32 years old and I’ve changed my mind,” Christie said. “And the biggest reason that I changed my mind was my seven years as a federal prosecutor. What I learned in those seven years was that we were spending much too much time talking about gun laws against law-abiding citizens and not nearly enough time talking about enforcing the gun laws strongly against criminals.”
“I learned the difference, and I learned what the limitations are of these laws that people are talking about and how they much, much more greatly infringe on law-abiding citizens than they do anything to prevent crime,” Christie added later. “Having learned that, my position’s changed.”
Where was this sound logic when he signed the bump stock ban? Anyways, New Jersey now joins Massachusetts, which also recently voted to ban bump stocks. Other states, like New York and Connecticut, are also angling to criminalize bump stocks this year.





| Spencer 1860 | |
|---|---|
Spencer Repeating Rifle
|
|
| Type | Lever Action Rifle |
| Place of origin | |
| Service history | |
| Used by | United States Army United States Navy Confederate States of America Siam Japan Empire of Brazil |
| Wars | American Civil War Indian Wars Boshin War Paraguayan War Franco-Prussian War |
| Production history | |
| Designer | Christopher Spencer |
| Designed | 1860 |
| Manufacturer | Spencer Company Burnside Rifle Co [1] Winchester |
| Produced | 1860–1869 |
| No. built | 200,000 approx. |
| Specifications | |
| Length | 47 in (1,200 mm) rifle with 30 inch barrel 39.25 in (997 mm) carbine with 22 inch barrel[2] |
| Barrel length | 30 in (760 mm) 22 in (560 mm)[3] 20 in (510 mm)[4] |
|
|
|
| Cartridge | .56-56 Spencer rimfire |
| Caliber | .52 in (13 mm) |
| Action | Manually cocked hammer, lever action |
| Rate of fire | 14-20 rounds per minute[5] |
| Muzzle velocity | 931 to 1,033 ft/s (284 to 315 m/s) |
| Effective firing range | 500 yards[6] |
| Feed system | 7 round tube magazine |
The Spencer 1860 was an American lever action rifle. Designed by Christopher Spencer, the Spencer was the world’s first military repeating rifle, with over 200,000 examples of the Spencer produced in the United States by three manufacturers between 1860 and 1869. The Spencer repeating rifle was adopted by the Union Army, especially by the cavalry, during the American Civil War, but did not replace the standard issue muzzle-loading rifled muskets in use at the time. The Spencer carbine was a shorter and lighter version.
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The design for a magazine-fed, lever-operated rifle chambered for the .56-56 Spencer rimfire cartridge was completed by Christopher Spencer in 1860. Called the Spencer Repeating Rifle, it was fired by cocking a lever to extract a used case and feed a new cartridge from a tube in the buttstock. Like most firearms of the time, the hammer had to be manually cocked in a separate action before the weapon could be fired. The weapon used copper rimfire cartridges based on the 1854 Smith & Wesson patent stored in a seven-round tube magazine. A spring in the tube enabled the rounds to be fired one after another. When empty, the spring had to be released and removed before dropping in fresh cartridges, then replaced before resuming firing. Rounds could be loaded individually or from a device called the Blakeslee Cartridge Box, which contained up to thirteen (also six and ten) tubes with seven cartridges each, which could be emptied into the magazine tube in the buttstock.[7]
Unlike later cartridge designations, the .56-56 Spencer’s first number referred to the diameter of the case just ahead of the rim, the second number the case diameter at the mouth; the actual bullet diameter was .52 inches. Cartridges were loaded with 45 grains (2.9 g) of black powder, and were also available as .56-52, .56-50, and a wildcat .56-46, a necked down version of the original .56-56. Cartridge length was limited by the action size to about 1.75 inches; later calibers used a smaller diameter, lighter bullet and larger powder charge to increase power and range over the original .56-56 cartridge, which was almost as powerful as the .58 caliber rifled musket of the time but underpowered by the standards of other early cartridges such as the .50–70 and .45-70.
At first, the view by the Department of War Ordnance Department was that soldiers would waste ammunition by firing too rapidly with repeating rifles, and thus denied a government contract for all such weapons. (They did, however, encourage the use of carbine breechloaders that loaded one shot at a time. Such carbines were shorter than a rifle and well suited for cavalry.)[8] More accurately, they feared that the Army’s logistics train would be unable to provide enough ammunition for the soldiers in the field, as they already had grave difficulty bringing up enough ammunition to sustain armies of tens of thousands of men over distances of hundreds of miles. A weapon able to fire several times as fast would require a vastly expanded logistics train and place great strain on the already overburdened railroads and tens of thousands of more mules, wagons, and wagon train guard detachments. The fact that several Springfield rifle-muskets could be purchased for the cost of a single Spencer carbine also influenced thinking.[9] However, just after the Battle of Gettysburg, Spencer was able to gain an audience with President Abraham Lincoln, who invited him to a shooting match and demonstration of the weapon on the lawn of the White House. Lincoln was impressed with the weapon, and ordered Gen. James Wolfe Ripley to adopt it for production, after which Ripley disobeyed him and stuck with the single-shot rifles.[1][10]
The Spencer repeating rifle was first adopted by the United States Navy, and later by the United States Army, and it was used during the American Civil War, where it was a popular weapon.[11] The Confederates
Notable early instances of use included the Battle of Hoover’s Gap (where Col. John T. Wilder‘s “Lightning Brigade” of mounted infantry effectively demonstrated the firepower of repeaters), and the Gettysburg Campaign, where two regiments of the Michigan Brigade (under Brig. Gen. George Armstrong Custer) carried them at the Battle of Hanover and at East Cavalry Field.[12] As the war progressed, Spencers were carried by a number of Union cavalry and mounted infantry regiments and provided the Union army with a firepower advantage over their Confederate adversaries. At the Battle of Nashville, 9,000 mounted infantrymen armed with the Spencer, under the command of Maj. Gen. James H. Wilson, chief of cavalry for the Military Division of the Mississippi, rode around Gen. Hood’s left flank and attacked from the rear. President Lincoln’s assassin John Wilkes Booth was armed with a Spencer carbine at the time he was captured and killed.[13]
The Spencer showed itself to be very reliable under combat conditions, with a sustainable rate-of-fire in excess of 20 rounds per minute. Compared to standard muzzle-loaders, with a rate of fire of 2–3 rounds per minute, this represented a significant tactical advantage.[14] However, effective tactics had yet to be developed to take advantage of the higher rate of fire. Similarly, the supply chain was not equipped to carry the extra ammunition. Detractors would also complain that the amount of smoke produced was such that it was hard to see the enemy, which was not surprising since even the smoke produced by muzzleloaders would quickly blind whole regiments, and even divisions as if they were standing in thick fog, especially on still days.[15]
One of the advantages of the Spencer was that its ammunition was waterproof and hardy, and could stand the constant jostling of long storage on the march, such as Wilson’s Raid. The story goes that every round of paper and linen Sharps ammunition carried in the supply wagons was found useless after long storage in supply wagons. Spencer ammunition had no such problem.[16]
In the late 1860s, the Spencer company was sold to the Fogerty Rifle Company and ultimately to Winchester.[17] Many Spencer carbines were later sold as surplus to France where they were used during the Franco-Prussian War in 1870.[18]
Even though the Spencer company went out of business in 1869, ammunition was manufactured in the United States into the 1920s. Later, many rifles and carbines were converted to centerfire, which could fire cartridges made from the centerfire .50-70 brass. Production ammunition can still be obtained on the specialty market.[19]

So you think that US Politics are at the bottom Pit of Hell right now?
Okay then try this one on for size. Imagine the Vice President of the USA blowing a hole in the Former Sec. Of the Treasury then. No? Well it actually happened!
Here is that story from Wiki:
The Burr–Hamilton duel was fought between prominent American politicians Aaron Burr, the sitting Vice President of the United States, and Alexander Hamilton, the former Secretary of the Treasury, at Weehawken, New Jersey on July 11, 1804.[1]
The duel was the culmination of a long and bitter rivalry between the two men. Burr shot and mortally wounded Hamilton, who was carried to the home of William Bayard, where he died the next day.
Background
Philip Schuyler, Hamilton’s father-in-law, lost his Senate seat to Burr.
The Burr–Hamilton duel is one of the most famous personal conflicts in American history. It was a draw duel which arose from long-standing personal bitterness that developed between the two men over the course of several years. Tensions reached a boiling point with Hamilton’s journalistic defamation of Burr’s character during the 1804 New York gubernatorial race, in which Burr was a candidate. The duel was fought at a time when the practice was being outlawed in the northern United States, and it had immense political ramifications. Burr survived the duel and was indicted for murder in both New York and New Jersey, though these charges were later either dismissed or resulted in acquittal. The harsh criticism and animosity directed toward him following the duel brought an end to his political career. The Federalist Party, already weakened by the defeat of John Adams in the presidential election of 1800, was further weakened by Hamilton’s death.
The duel was the final skirmish of a long conflict between Democratic-Republicans and Federalists. The conflict began in 1791 when Burr won a United States Senate seat from Philip Schuyler, Hamilton’s father-in-law, who would have supported Federalist policies. (Hamilton was the Secretary of the Treasury at the time.) The Electoral College then deadlocked in the election of 1800, during which Hamilton’s maneuvering in the House of Representatives caused Thomas Jefferson to be named president and Burr vice-president.[2]
Hamilton’s animosity toward Burr was severe and well-documented in personal letters to his friend and compatriot James McHenry. The following quotation from one of these letters on January 4, 1801 exemplifies his bitterness:
Nothing has given me so much chagrin as the Intelligence that the Federal party were thinking seriously of supporting Mr. Burr for president. I should consider the execution of the plan as devoting the country and signing their own death warrant. Mr. Burr will probably make stipulations, but he will laugh in his sleeve while he makes them and will break them the first moment it may serve his purpose.[3]
In a more extensive letter written shortly afterward, Hamilton details the many charges that he has against Burr, calling him a “profligate, a voluptuary in the extreme”, accusing him of corruptly serving the interests of the Holland Land Companywhile a member of the legislature, criticizing his military commission and accusing him of resigning under false pretenses, and many more serious accusations.[3]
Morgan Lewis, endorsed by Hamilton, defeated Burr in the 1804 New York gubernatorial election.
It became clear that Jefferson would drop Burr from his ticket in the 1804 election, so the Vice President ran for the governorship of New York instead.[citation needed]Hamilton campaigned vigorously against Burr, who was running as an independent, causing him to lose to Morgan Lewis, a Democratic-Republican endorsed by Hamilton.[citation needed]
Both men had been involved in duels in the past. Hamilton had been a principal in 10 shotless duels prior to his fatal encounter with Burr, including duels with William Gordon (1779), Aedanus Burke (1790), John Francis Mercer (1792–1793), James Nicholson (1795), James Monroe (1797), and Ebenezer Purdy/George Clinton (1804). He also served as a second to John Laurens in a 1779 duel with General Charles Lee, and to legal client John Auldjo in a 1787 duel with William Pierce.[4] Hamilton also claimed that he had one previous honor dispute with Burr;[5] Burr stated that there were two.[6][7]
Burr and Hamilton first came into public opposition during the United States presidential election of 1800. Burr ran for Vice President on the Democratic-Republican ticket, along with presidential candidate Thomas Jefferson, against President John Adams (the Federalist incumbent) and his vice presidential running mate Charles C. Pinckney. Electoral College rules at the time gave each elector two votes for president; the candidate who received the second most votes became vice president. The Democratic-Republican Party, therefore, planned to have 72 of their 73 electors vote for both Jefferson and Burr, with the remaining elector voting only for Jefferson. However, the electors failed to execute this plan, so Burr and Jefferson tied with 73 votes each. The Constitution stipulates that, if no candidate wins a majority, the election is moved to the United States House of Representatives—which was controlled by the Federalists, at this point, many of whom were loathe to vote for Jefferson. Hamilton, however, regarded Burr as far more dangerous than Jefferson and used all his influence to ensure Jefferson’s election. On the 36th ballot, the House of Representatives gave Jefferson the presidency, with Burr becoming vice president.
| Wikisource has original texts related to: |
On April 24, 1804, a letter was published in the Albany Register in the context of opposing Burr’s candidacy.[8] It was originally sent from Charles D. Cooper to Hamilton’s father-in-law, former U.S. Sen. Philip Schuyler,[9] and made reference to a previous statement by Cooper: “General Hamilton and Judge Kent have declared in substance that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man, and one who ought not be trusted with the reins of government.” Cooper went on to emphasize that he could describe in detail “a still more despicable opinion which General Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr” at a political dinner.[10]
Burr responded in a letter delivered by William P. Van Ness, pointing particularly to the “more despicable” phrase, and demanded “a prompt and unqualified acknowledgment or denial of the use of any expression which would warrant the assertion of Dr. Cooper.” Hamilton’s verbose reply on June 20, 1804 indicated that he could not be held responsible for Cooper’s interpretation of his words (yet did not fault that interpretation), concluding that Hamilton would “abide the consequences” should Burr remain unsatisfied.[11] A recurring theme in their correspondence is that Burr seeks avowal or disavowal of anything that could justify Cooper’s characterization, while Hamilton protests that there are no specifics.
Burr’s reply on June 21, 1804, also delivered by Van Ness, stated that “political opposition can never absolve gentlemen from the necessity of a rigid adherence to the laws of honor and the rules of decorum”.[12] Hamilton replied that he had “no other answer to give than that which has already been given”. This letter was delivered to Nathaniel Pendleton on June 22 but did not reach Burr until June 25.[13] The delay was due to negotiation between Pendleton and Van Ness in which Pendleton submitted the following paper:
General Hamilton says he cannot imagine what Dr. Cooper may have alluded, unless it were to a conversation at Mr. Taylor’s, in Albany, last winter (at which he and General Hamilton were present). General Hamilton cannot recollect distinctly the particulars of that conversation, so as to undertake to repeat them, without running the risk of varying or omitting what might be deemed important circumstances. The expressions are entirely forgotten, and the specific ideas imperfectly remembered; but to the best of his recollection it consisted of comments on the political principles and views of Colonel Burr, and the results that might be expected from them in the event of his election as Governor, without reference to any particular instance of past conduct or private character.[14]
Eventually, Burr issued a formal challenge, and Hamilton accepted.[15] Many historians have considered the causes of the duel to be flimsy and have thus either characterized Hamilton as “suicidal”, Burr as “malicious and murderous,” or both.[16]Thomas Fleming offers the theory that Burr may have been attempting to recover his honor by challenging Hamilton, whom he considered to be the only gentleman among his detractors, in response to the slanderous attacks against his character published during the 1804 gubernatorial campaign.[17]
In the early morning hours of July 11, 1804, Burr and Hamilton departed from Manhattan by separate boats and rowed across the Hudson River to a spot known as the Heights of Weehawken in New Jersey, a popular dueling ground below the towering cliffs of the Palisades.[18] Dueling had been prohibited in both New York and New Jersey; Hamilton and Burr agreed to take the duel to Weehawken, however, because New Jersey was not as aggressive in prosecuting dueling participants as New York. The same site was used for eighteen known duels between 1700 and 1845.[19] In an attempt to shield the participants from prosecution, procedures were implemented to give all witnesses plausible deniability. For example, the pistols were transported to the island in a portmanteau, enabling the rowers to say under oath that they had not seen any pistols. (They also stood with their backs to the duelists.)[20]
Burr, William P. Van Ness (his second), Matthew L. Davis, and another (often identified as John Swarthout) plus their rowers reached the site at 6:30 a.m. whereupon Swarthout and Van Ness started to clear the underbrush from the dueling ground. Hamilton, Judge Nathaniel Pendleton (his second), and David Hosack arrived a few minutes before seven. Lots were cast for the choice of position and which second should start the duel; both were won by Hamilton’s second, who chose the upper edge of the ledge (which faced the city) for Hamilton.[21] However, according to historian and author Joseph Ellis, Hamilton had been challenged and therefore had choice of both weapon and position. Under this account, it was Hamilton himself who chose the upstream or north side position. The duel took place near the area where Phillip Hamilton had dueled and lost three years before his father. [22]
All first-hand accounts of the duel agree that two shots were fired; however, Hamilton and Burr’s seconds disagreed on the intervening time between the shots. It was common for both principals in a duel to fire a shot at the ground to exemplify courage, and then the duel could come to an end. Hamilton apparently fired a shot above Burr’s head. Burr returned fire and hit Hamilton in the lower abdomen above the right hip. The large-caliber lead ball ricocheted off Hamilton’s third or second false rib, fracturing it, and caused considerable damage to his internal organs, particularly his liver and diaphragm, before becoming lodged in his first or second lumbar vertebra. According to Pendleton’s account, Hamilton collapsed almost immediately, dropping the pistol involuntarily, and Burr moved toward Hamilton in a speechless manner (which Pendleton deemed to be indicative of regret) before being hustled away behind an umbrella by Van Ness because Hosack and the rowers were already approaching.[23]
It is entirely uncertain which principal fired first, as both seconds’ backs were to the duel in accordance with the pre-arranged regulations of the duel and so that the men could later testify that they “saw no fire”. After much research to determine the actual events of the duel, historian Joseph Ellis gives his best guess:
Hamilton did fire his weapon intentionally, and he fired first. But he aimed to miss Burr, sending his ball into the tree above and behind Burr’s location. In so doing, he did not withhold his shot, but he did waste it, thereby honoring his pre-duel pledge. Meanwhile, Burr, who did not know about the pledge, did know that a projectile from Hamilton’s gun had whizzed past him and crashed into the tree to his rear. According to the principles of the code duello, Burr was perfectly justified in taking deadly aim at Hamilton and firing to kill.
Hosack wrote his account on August 17, about one month after the duel had taken place. Hosack testified that he had only seen Hamilton and the two seconds disappear “into the wood”, heard two shots, and rushed to find a wounded Hamilton when his name was called. Hosack also testified that he had not seen Burr, who had been hidden behind an umbrella by Van Ness, his second.[24] In a letter to William Coleman, Hosack gives a very clear picture of the events:
When called to him upon his receiving the fatal wound, I found him half sitting on the ground, supported in the arms of Mr. Pendleton. His countenance of death I shall never forget. He had at that instant just strength to say, ‘This is a mortal wound, doctor;’ when he sunk away, and became to all appearance lifeless. I immediately stripped up his clothes, and soon, alas I ascertained that the direction of the ball must have been through some vital part. His pulses were not to be felt, his respiration was entirely suspended, and, upon laying my hand on his heart and perceiving no motion there, I considered him as irrecoverably gone. I, however, observed to Mr. Pendleton, that the only chance for his reviving was immediately to get him upon the water. We therefore lifted him up, and carried him out of the wood to the margin of the bank, where the bargemen aided us in conveying him into the boat, which immediately put off. During all this time I could not discover the least symptom of returning life. I now rubbed his face, lips, and temples with spirits of hartshorn, applied it to his neck and breast, and to the wrists and palms of his hands, and endeavoured to pour some into his mouth.[25]
Hosack goes on to say that in a few minutes Hamilton had revived, either from the hartshorn or fresh air. Hosack finishes his letter:
Soon after recovering his sight, he happened to cast his eye upon the case of pistols, and observing the one that he had had in his hand lying on the outside, he said, “Take care of that pistol; it is undischarged, and still cocked; it may go off and do harm. Pendleton knows” (attempting to turn his head towards him) ‘that I did not intend to fire at him.’ ‘Yes,’ said Mr. Pendleton, understanding his wish, ‘I have already made Dr. Hosack acquainted with your determination as to that’ He then closed his eyes and remained calm, without any disposition to speak; nor did he say much afterward, except in reply to my questions. He asked me once or twice how I found his pulse; and he informed me that his lower extremities had lost all feeling, manifesting to me that he entertained no hopes that he should long survive.[25]
Pendleton and Van Ness issued a press statement about the events of the duel. The statement printed out the agreed upon dueling rules and events that transpired, that being given the order to present, both participants were free to open fire. After first fire had been given, the opposite’s second would count to three and the opponent would fire, or sacrifice his shot.[26] Pendleton and Van Ness disagree as to who fired the first shot, but concur that both men had fired “within a few seconds of each other” (as they must have: neither Pendleton nor Van Ness mention counting down).[26]
In Pendleton’s amended version of the statement, he and a friend went to the site of the duel the day after Hamilton’s death to discover where Hamilton’s shot went. The statement reads:
They [Mr. Pendleton and an accomplice] ascertained that the ball passed through the limb of a cedar tree, at an elevation of about twelve feet and a half, perpendicularly from the ground, between thirteen and fourteen feet from the mark on which General Hamilton stood, and about four feet wide of the direct line between him and Col. Burr, on the right side; he having fallen on the left.[27]
Hamilton wrote a letter before the duel entitled Statement on Impending Duel with Aaron Burr[28] in which he stated that he was “strongly opposed to the practice of dueling” for both religious and practical reasons. “I have resolved,” it continued, “if our interview is conducted in the usual manner, and it pleases God to give me the opportunity, to reserve and throw away my first fire, and I have thoughts even of reserving my second fire.”[29][30]
Hamilton regained consciousness after being shot, and told Dr. Hosack that his gun was still loaded and that “Pendleton knows I did not mean to fire at him.” This is evidence for the theory that Hamilton intended not to fire, honoring his pre-duel pledge, and only fired accidentally upon being hit.[27] Such an intention would have violated the protocol of the code duello. When Burr later learned of this, he responded: “Contemptible, if true.”[31] Hamilton could have thrown his shot away by firing into the ground, thus possibly signaling Burr of his purpose.
Modern historians have debated to what extent Hamilton’s statements and letter represent his true beliefs, and how much of this was a deliberate attempt to permanently ruin Burr if Hamilton were to be killed. An example of this may be seen in what a historian has considered to be deliberate attempts to provoke Burr on the dueling ground, specifically Ogden’s perspective that
Hamilton performed a series of deliberately provocative actions to ensure a lethal outcome. As they were taking their places, he asked that the proceedings stop, adjusted his spectacles, and slowly, repeatedly, sighted along his pistol to test his aim.[32]
There is good reason to think that Burr had every intention of killing Hamilton.[33] The afternoon after the duel, Burr was quoted as saying that had his vision not been impaired by the morning mist, he would have shot Hamilton in the heart.[34]According to the account of noted English philosopher Jeremy Bentham, who met with Burr in England in 1808 (four years after the fact), Burr claimed to have been certain of his ability to kill Hamilton, and Bentham concluded that Burr was “little better than a murderer.”[35]
There is, however, much evidence in Burr’s defense. Had Hamilton apologized for his “more despicable opinion of Mr. Burr”,[36] all would have been forgotten. However neither principal could avoid the confrontation honorably, and thus each was forced into the duel: Burr to regain his honor and Hamilton to sustain his.[37]
Furthermore, Burr was unsure of Hamilton’s intentions (as historians still are today). Seeing Hamilton fire into the brush above his head, Burr could not be sure if Hamilton had thrown away his shot or simply missed his target. According to the principles of the code duello, Burr was entirely justified in taking aim at Hamilton, under the hypothesis that Hamilton had shot first. Continuing this line of reasoning, it is not clear that Burr did more than react to hearing Hamilton fire before he had any time to realize where the shot had gone.
Burr certainly knew of Hamilton’s publicly opposing his ascension to the vice-presidency in 1800. Hamilton made confidential statements against him, such as those enumerated in Hamilton’s private letter to Supreme Court Justice Rutledge. In the attachment to that letter, Hamilton had argued against Burr’s character on repetitive scores, for example “suspected on strong grounds of having corruptly served the views of the Holland Company … his very friends do not insist on his integrity … he will court and employ able and daring scoundrels … his conduct indicates [he seeks] Supreme power in his own person … will in all likelihood attempt a usurpation.”[38]
The Wogdon pistols used in the duel
The pistols used in the duel belonged to Hamilton’s brother-in-law John Barker Church, who was a business partner of both Hamilton and Burr.[citation needed]
Later legend claimed that these pistols were the same ones used in a 1799 duel between Church and Burr, in which neither man was injured.[39][40] Burr, however, wrote in his memoirs that he supplied the duelling pistols for his duel with Church, and that they belonged to him.[41][40]
The Wogdon duelling pistols incorporated a hair-trigger feature that could be pre-set by the user.[39][42] Hamilton, familiar with the weapons, would have known about and been able to use the hair trigger. However, when asked by Pendleton before the duel if he would use the “hair-spring”, Hamilton reportedly replied, “Not this time.”[21] The “hair-spring” feature gives an advantage because it reduces the force required to engage the trigger, preventing unintentional hand movement while firing. It may also make people who are not familiar with the reduced force miss the target.
In 1801, three years before the Burr–Hamilton duel, Hamilton’s son Philip used the Church weapons in a duel in which he died.[citation needed]
The pistols reposed at Church’s estate Belvidere until the late 19th century.[43] In 1930, the pistols were sold to the Chase Manhattan Bank, now part of JPMorgan Chase & Co. and are on display in the investment bank’s headquarters at 270 Park Avenue in New York City.[44]
The mortally wounded Hamilton was taken to the home of William Bayard in New York, where he received communion from Bishop Benjamin Moore.[45][46] The next day, after having seen his wife, Elizabeth Schuyler Hamilton, and children, he died in the presence of more than 20 friends and family members and was buried in the Trinity Churchyard Cemetery in Manhattan (Hamilton was an Episcopalianat his death).[47] Gouverneur Morris, a political ally of Hamilton’s, gave the eulogy at his funeral and established a private fund to support his widow and children.
Burr was charged with murder in New York and New Jersey, but neither charge reached trial. In Bergen County, New Jersey, a grand jury indicted Burr for murder in November 1804,[18] but the New Jersey Supreme Court quashed the indictment on a motion from Colonel Ogden.[48] Burr fled to Saint Simons Island, Georgia. He stayed at the plantation of Pierce Butler at Hampton Point, but soon returned to Washington, D.C. to complete his term of service as Vice President. He presided over the Samuel Chase impeachment trial “with the dignity and impartiality of an angel, but with the rigor of a devil” according to a Washington newspaper. Burr’s heartfelt farewell speech in March 1805 moved some of his harshest critics in the Senate to tears.[49]
With his political career apparently over, Burr went west, where he became involved in “filibuster” plans, which some[who?] later claimed were intended to establish a new independent empire carved out of the Louisiana territory.[citation needed] General James Wilkinson, who had worked with Burr, later had a change of heart and betrayed their plans to President Jefferson. Another man Burr allegedly tried to recruit, William Eaton, accused Burr in letters to Jefferson, resulting in Burr’s arrest and trial for treason. Although he was acquitted of all charges, Burr’s reputation was further damaged and he spent the following years in Europe. He finally returned to New York City in 1812, where he resumed his law practice and spent the remainder of his life in relative obscurity.
The first memorial to the duel was constructed in 1806 by the Saint Andrew’s Society, of which Hamilton was formerly a member.[50] A 14-foot marble cenotaph, consisting of an obelisk topped by a flaming urn and a plaque with a quote from Horace surrounded by an iron fence, was constructed approximately where Hamilton was believed to have fallen.[51] Duels continued to be fought at the site and the marble was slowly vandalized and removed for souvenirs, leaving nothing remaining by 1820. The memorial’s plaque survived, turning up in a junk store and finding its way to the New-York Historical Society in Manhattan, where it still resides.[52]
From 1820 to 1857, the site was marked by two stones with the names Hamilton and Burr placed where they were thought to have stood during the duel. When a road from Hoboken to Fort Lee was built through the site in 1858, an inscription on a boulder where a mortally wounded Hamilton was thought to have rested—one of the many pieces of graffiti left by visitors—was all that remained. No primary accounts of the duel confirm the boulder anecdote. In 1870, railroad tracks were built directly through the site, and the boulder was hauled to the top of the Palisades, where it remains today.[53] In 1894, an iron fence was built around the boulder, supplemented by a bust of Hamilton and a plaque. The bust was thrown over the cliff on October 14, 1934 by vandals and the head was never recovered; a new bust was installed on July 12, 1935.[54]
The plaque was stolen by vandals in the 1980s and an abbreviated version of the text was inscribed on the indentation left in the boulder, which remained until the 1990s when a granite pedestal was added in front of the boulder and the bust was moved to the top of the pedestal. New markers were added on July 11, 2004, the 200th anniversary of the duel.[55]
In the months and years following the duel, a movement started to end the practice. Eliphalet Nott, the pastor at an Albany church attended by Hamilton’s father-in-law, Philip Schuyler, gave a sermon that was soon reprinted, “A Discourse, Delivered in the North Dutch Church, in the City of Albany, Occasioned by the Ever to be Lamented Death of General Alexander Hamilton, July 29, 1804”. In 1806, Lyman Beecher delivered an anti-dueling sermon, later reprinted in 1809 by the Anti-Dueling Association of New York.








On the eve of SHOT Show 2018, IWI just dropped a bomb of an announcement! It’s the company’s first ever bullpup shotgun! The Tavor TS12.
This 12 gauge semi-automatic, gas-operated scattergun feeds from one of three rotating magazine tubes, each capable of holding four 3-inch shells or five 2-inch shells for a total capacity of 15+1.
Of course, if it feeds Aguila mini shells, that capacity bumps up to 26 rounds. Talk about an ideal platform to have at the ready when something goes bump in the night.
“The TAVOR TS12 is our first entry into the home defense shotgun market and we held off until we had something unique and desirable that held the same characteristic quality and performance of the entire TAVOR line,” Casey Flack, CEO of IWI US commented.
“The TS12 is it; compact, easy to use and maintain, and with a large magazine capacity, it is ideal for home defense, as well as a sporting shotgun,”Flack added.
The TS12 can be loaded from either side and users can adjust for either right or left side ejection. Other features include IWI’s patented “Bullhead” bolt locking system, internal muzzle threads compatible with Benelli/Beretta choke tubes, a full-length Picatinny top rail, and M-LOK friendly forearm for the requisite bells and whistles.
The TS12 will be initially available in black, but IWI has plans to offer this bully in Olive Drab and Flat Dark Earth. MSRP is $1,399.
We plan on getting to know the TS12 at Industry Day at the Range this coming Monday. Stay tuned. In the meantime, visit IWI US for more information.
I just think that this is one of the Best Commercials ever made! Grumpy