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Patchwork Plane: Building the P-47 Thunderbolt by Cory Graff

Roughly 100 companies, coast to coast, helped Republic Aviation Corporation manufacture each P-47 Thunderbolt.
A formation of Republic P-47s prowl for targets

Top Photo: Over Italy, a formation of Republic P-47s prowl for targets, each one hauling a pair of 500-pound bombs and an external fuel tank. National Archives


The P-47 was a behemoth. Before it was loaded with three tons of fuel, bombs, and ammunition, it was five tons of aluminum, steel, magnesium, and rubber. The Thunderbolt was America’s biggest and most expensive single-engine fighter of the war. Making just one was an epic feat; doing it over and over again was a small miracle.

Republic Aviation Corporation built over 15,200 Thunderbolts in two factories. At their height, they finished 28 of the monster machines every day. Curtiss-Wright Corporation added 354 more.

But they had help. The famous photos you often see of a line of fighters or bombers being assembled in the expansive factory building show only the last step in a very long process. One of the basic rules of the assembly line, perfected by Henry Ford years before, was to never let the product get too big too fast. The cars Ford was making before the war usually had around 5,000 parts. A typical fighter from the era had roughly 36,000, along with 25,000 rivets.

New P-47 fuselages await their turn to receive their wings

At Farmingdale, on New York’s Long Island, loads of new P-47 fuselages await their turn to receive their wings in the production process. National Archives

 

Every aircraft producer relied upon a multitude of skilled subcontractors. While Republic designed and built the airframes, there was no time to have in-house experts who had the know-how to make distortion-free Plexiglas canopies, durable decals, or accurate altimeters. All of that was farmed out to firms that were comfortable (or sometimes not-so-comfortable) with supplying their niche product to the war effort.

Flawless new canopy for a Thunderbolt is readied for installation

Republic didn’t make Plexiglas, they left that to the experts.  Here, the glistening and flawless new canopy for a Thunderbolt is readied for installation at the factory. National Archives

 

Their parts and pieces came in by train or truck and were then shuttled off to rooms, warehouses, or even “feeder factories” that are commonly out of sight in those famous assembly photos. Behind the scenes, these airplane fragments were built up into subassemblies for weeks or even months by thousands of men and women in New York and Indiana. Only then did a new Thunderbolt come together on the factory floor.

Owing to the location of the main plants, most subcontractors resided in the American Northeast and Midwest, but some specialized components came from as far away as California.

A new P-47, swaddled in protective tape and coverings, arrives in England

After a long trip across the North Atlantic, a new P-47, swaddled in protective tape and coverings, arrives in England to be pressed into service with the Army Air Forces. National Archives

A few subcontractors were no-brainers. The burly body of the Thunderbolt came into being with the help of Pennsylvania’s Aluminum Company of America (ALCOA). ALCOA supplied tons of stock, tubing, and acres of Alclad skin for not only the P-47, but for almost every major aircraft builder. American Magnesium Corporation, also from the Pittsburgh area, supplied magnesium and special alloys used in engine cases, wheels, and propeller parts.

The Thunderbolt’s engine came from Connecticut-based Pratt & Whitney Aircraft Company. The famous R-2800 Double Wasp powered many acclaimed WWII combat aircraft, including the F6F Hellcat, F4U Corsair, P-61 Black Widow, C-46 Commando, B-26 Marauder—and, of course, the P-47 Thunderbolt. Pratt & Whitney itself was so overburdened by the demand for their 18-cylinder dynamo that they too subcontracted. An R-2800 installed in a fighting plane could come from the parent company, or Ford, Nash, Chevrolet, Buick, Continental, or Jacobs.

A P-47 is readied for a mission at Duxford

Snugging the cowling around the P-47’s Pratt 7 Whitney R-2800 engine required a multitude of latches and fasteners—each of which was delivered to Republic by a subcontractor. Here, a P-47 is readied for a mission at Duxford. National Archives

 

Tires, logically, came from a big tire manufacturer. Akron’s B.F. Goodrich supplied Silvertown tires by the truckload. When they couldn’t keep up, the United States Rubber Company, based in New York City, added US Royal Aircraft Tires.

Out of the plethora of gun-makers turning out M2 machine guns as fast as they could, Republic partnered with Colt Firearms of New Haven, Connecticut, to supply the eight .50-calibers that made the Thunderbolt so destructive over the battlefield.

Arms makers gave each P-47 punch

Arms makers gave each P-47 punch, supplying thousands of .50-caliber machine guns—eight per aircraft. National Archives

Some suppliers’ products are obvious just from their names—like Torrington Needle Bearing Company (Connecticut), Elastic Stop Nut Corporation (New Jersey), Timken Bearing Company (Ohio), Littel Fuse Incorporated (Illinois), and Ideal Clamp Manufacturing Company (New York).

A few others require some digging. Shakeproof Incorporated made antivibration hardware for aircraft in Chicago. Liquidometer Corporation of Long Island City built fuel and oil tank measuring devices as well as their cockpit readouts. And Baldwin Duckworth Company supplied chains and sprockets all the way from in Hollywood, California.

There was another notable California company on the Republic subcontractor list: Inglewood’s Marman Products Company, which contributed ring clamps, commonly used to secure hoses. What is unusual about Marman is its founder, a tinkerer named Herbert Marx, who you might know better as comedic actor known as Zeppo.

Many of the warplane suppliers are recognizable and still in business today. General Electric and Maytag made a whole range of electronic gizmos for Thunderbolts. Kohler supplied drain valves; Purolator produced filter systems. Minnesota Mining and Manufacturing Company, now known as 3M, supplied sticky tapes used in production and painting, as well as a fuming sulfuric acid named oleum.

Aviation geeks will recognize other names like Bendix, Lear, Menasco, and American Bosch. The ever-present Dzus Fastener Company of Babylon, New York, had their quarter-turn spiral cam locking fasteners secured every P-47 engine cowling.

Perhaps the weirdest subcontractor on the list was S. S. White Dental Manufacturing Company of New York City. If this was for a P-40, we could understand, but P-47s didn’t have those famous teeth! In fact, the company had perfected flexible drive shaft technology for use in dental drills, and in wartime, the same systems were adopted by industry and employed by vehicle and aircraft manufacturers.

Long-range P-47N Thunderbolts heads for the Pacific in 1945

Filling the deck of an escort carrier, a load of new, long-range P-47N Thunderbolts heads for the Pacific in 1945. National Archives

 

Lastly, Republic’s long list of suppliers contains a mystery: Huber Manufacturing Company of Cincinnati, Ohio. Huber began making steam-powered tractors in 1850. In wartime, the company built rollers and road graters used to make, among other things, airfields. The only commonality between a brawny piece of construction equipment and a Thunderbolt fighter was their toughness. While the company appears on the subcontractors list, it is still unknown what Huber really supplied to the P-47 project.

In time, the trucks and trains filled to the brim with new aircraft parts arrived at the factory gates, and after thousands of man-hours (often contributed by women), each new Republic P-47 Thunderbolt was added to America’s growing air arsenal, the patchwork planes flying into battle somewhere across the globe.

 A select list of Republic P-47 Subcontractors

  • Scovlll Mfg. Co., Waterbury, CT
  • Torrington Needle Bearing Co., Torrington, CT
  • Tinnerman Products, Inc., Cleveland, OH
  • Elastic Stop Nut Corp., Union, NJ
  • P. R. Mallory Co., Inc., Indianapolis, IN
  • Minnesota Mining and Mfg Co., (3M), St. Paul, MN
  • Thomas and Betts Co., Elizabeth, NJ
  • Dzus Fastener Co., Babylon, NY
  • B. F. Goodrich Co., Akron, OH
  • Lear Aviation Corp., Piqua, OH
  • Boots Aircraft Nut Corp., New Canaan, CT
  • Baldwin Duckworth Co., Hollywood, CA
  • Warner Aircraft Corp., Detroit, MI
  • Adel Precision Products Co., Burbank, CA
  • Alemite Corp., New York, NY
  • Pesco Products Co., Cleveland, OH
  • Parker Appliance Co., New York, NY
  • Air Associates, Inc., Cleveland, OH
  • Marman Products Co., Inglewood, CA
  • Aeroquip Corp., Jackson, MI
  • Purolator Products, Inc., Newark, NJ
  • Vickers, Inc., Detroit, MI
  • Bendix Aviation Corp., Hollywood, CA
  • William Brand and Co., Willimantic, CT
  • Neal and Brinker, New York, NY
  • Micro Switch Corp., Stamford, CT
  • Cleveland Pneumatic Tool Co., Cleveland, OH
  • Menasco Mfg. Co., Burbank, CA
  • A. Schrader, Sons, Brooklyn, NY
  • M. D. Hubbard Co., Pontiac, MI
  • Timken Bearing Co., Canton, OH
  • Chrysler Corp. (Amplex Div.), Detroit, MI
  • Pratt & Whitney, East Hartford, CT
  • Jack and Heintz, Bedford, OH
  • Ideal Clamp Mfg. Co., Brooklyn, NY
  • Lord Mfg. Co., Erie, PA
  • Aero Supply Mfg. Co. Inc., Corry, PA
  • Fafnir Bearing Co., Chicago, IL
  • Wittek Mfg. Co., Chicago, IL
  • Lunkenheimer Co., Cincinnati, OH
  • Thompson Products Co., Cleveland, OH
  • American Magnesium Corp., Pittsburgh, PA
  • United Aircraft Products Co., Dayton, OH
  • Young Radiator, Racine, WI
  • Koehler Aircraft Products, Inc., Dayton, OH
  • S. S. White Dental Mfg. Co., New York, NY
  • General Electric Co., Bloomfield, NJ
  • Aluminum Co. of America, New Kenningston, PA
  • Huber Mfg. Co., Cincinnati, OH
  • Chandler-Evans, Detroit, MI
  • Colt Firearms Co., New Haven, CT
  • Breeze Corp., Inc., Newark, NJ
  • Allen-Bradley Co., New York, NY
  • Johns-Manville, New York, NY
  • Cutler-Hammer, Inc., Milwaukee, WI
  • Grimes Mfg. Co., Urbana, OH
  • Shakeproof, Inc, Chicago, IL
  • American Bosch Co., Springfield, MA
  • Littel Fuse, Inc., Chicago, IL
  • Harvey Hubbell, Bridgeport, CT
  • International Resistance Co., Chicago, IL
  • Ohmite Mfg. Co., Chicago, IL
  • Clarostat Mfg. Co., Brooklyn, NY
  • Parker Kalon Corp., New York, NY
  • Liquidometer Corp., Long Island City, NY
  • Maytag Corp., Newton, IA
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I served in the FBI for 25 years… here’s who I suspect is to blame for the Trump assassination attempt security disaster By FRANK FIGLIUZZI

What the hell happened – and how was it possible? These questions will be at the heart of the FBI investigation into probable multiple failures by the Secret Service and others in the lead-up to the attempted assassination of Donald Trump.

The shooter, who appears to have used a high-powered semi-automatic rifle – possibly an AR-15 – was able to set up his position on the roof of a building in full view of some of the crowd on the ‘bleachers’, or tiered seating.

Individuals in that crowd tried for several minutes, by at least one estimate, to draw the attention of security officials to this man with a rifle but police appear to have not responded quickly enough.

What we don’t yet know is whose job it was to ensure this roof, only 150 yards from the stage, was secure.

During 25 years with the FBI, I have seen how countless similar rallies were organised and I consider it highly likely that the Secret Service was responsible for security within an enclosed perimeter, while the local police took charge of the wider zone outside.

Donald Trump defiantly punched the air after being shot at the campaign rally

Donald Trump defiantly punched the air after being shot at the campaign rally

Frank Figliuzzi, an FBI agent for 25 years, believes failures of communication between the Secret Service and local law enforcers may be to blame for the failure to prevent the shooting

Frank Figliuzzi, an FBI agent for 25 years, believes failures of communication between the Secret Service and local law enforcers may be to blame for the failure to prevent the shooting

Responsibility for every post, every zone, every rooftop needs to be clearly assigned and this division of roles should have been clear to everyone.

This is standard practice for the Secret Service. It’s carried out at hundreds of events during the run-up to an election but it’s also potentially new territory for each local police department.

It might have been years since they last saw a political rally in their town. It’s even possible that they’ve never witnessed one there before.

News cameras also showed soldiers in camouflage present, probably members of the National Guard. Their role, and whether their presence hindered security in any way, will have to be probed too.

We know that a Secret Service sniper must have had a clear view of the rooftop because the gunman Thomas Matthew Crooks was shot dead within a few seconds of opening fire on Trump.

But why did that sniper ignore Crooks till then? One plausible explanation is that the Secret Service (which is entirely separate from the FBI) assumed the assassin was a police sniper, part of their security team.

Immediately after the shots were fired, former president Trump was bundled to the ground behind reinforced barriers by U.S. Secret Service agents

Immediately after the shots were fired, former president Trump was bundled to the ground behind reinforced barriers by U.S. Secret Service agents

Snipers stand on the roof of a building behind the podium at Saturday's campaign rally

Snipers stand on the roof of a building behind the podium at Saturday’s campaign rally

That implies serious failures in communication. When it comes to planning for events such as this, I would expect police and Secret Service teams to not only meet and introduce themselves but map out their specific roles in detail. They ought to have been able to recognise each other by sight.

They should also have double-checked at every stage throughout the rally, ensuring they knew who everybody was and what they were doing. That’s just basic.

In the coming days and weeks, the agency will reconstruct every detail of the event in Butler, Pennsylvania, using witness statements, CCTV and media video, as well as amateur footage shot on phones by members of the public.

They will also review audio recordings, including the radio communications between the various arms of law enforcement. These should be released to the FBI immediately and I would expect them to be made public in due course.

Then we’ll have a clearer idea of how Crooks was able to access the roof, why his presence appeared not to alarm the security staff and why the concerns of people in the crowd were not met with an effective response.

The inquiry must also focus on the aftermath of the shooting. Former president Trump was bundled to the ground, behind reinforced barriers – those hoardings, painted with slogans, are made of galvanised steel.

article image

As his Secret Service team began to lead him away to his vehicle, they shielded him with their bodies. But it appears from news video that the message ‘shooter is down’ was sent and at that point Trump was able to turn to the crowd, punch the air and shout his defiance.

It’s completely natural that Trump wanted to show his supporters he was bloodied but alive but this doesn’t mean it was safe for him to do so.

In that moment, the Secret Service had no way of knowing if the gunman was acting alone. Other shooters might have been present.

Audio also appears to catch Trump asking for his shoes as he is being bundled towards his car – and his bodyguards complying with this request.

That’s against all protocol. The protection squad has one job: to protect their man. They are his human shield. If necessary, they can hog-tie him and carry him but they should never risk his life by looking for his shoes.

The Republican national convention in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, tomorrow will see unprecedented security levels. But until we understand what went wrong at Butler, it will be impossible to say with certainty that we won’t see another act of deadly violence before the election is over.

Frank Figliuzzi is a former assistant director for counter-intelligenc

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VA Official Says Agency Won’t Follow Law Protecting Veterans Gun Rights If Passed By Mark Chesnut

Debate over federal legislation designed to protect veterans from having their gun rights infringed by the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs simply for having someone help them with their finances is getting contentious.

A U.S. House of Representatives hearing on Wednesday focused on the “Veterans Second Amendment Protection Act,” which would reverse the policy for reporting to the National Instant Criminal Background System (NICS)  when a veteran has appointed a financial fiduciary to handle his or her monetary affairs. The VA deems a veteran appointing a fiduciary to be mentally incompetent, barring them from purchasing a firearm as a result.

Veteran supporters and pro-gun advocates believe the VA reporting such an occurrence to NICS makes veterans in need of help less likely to ask for fear they’ll be denied their Second Amendment rights.

VA officials, however, vehemently disagree. And at the hearing, one said that if Congress should pass such a law, the VA would not comply with it.

According to a report at freebasenews.com, VA Deputy Undersecretary Glenn Powers testified that his department opposes the act. Additionally, he said the VA already provides a sufficient method for beneficiaries who have been reported to NICS to “petition for relief.”

“VA did not err in reporting, and if passed into law VA could not comply,” Powers said.

Of course, “petitioning for relief” after one has lost their gun rights isn’t what the Second Amendment is all about. “Shall not be infringed,” doesn’t mean “Infringe and then see if you can get your rights back.” It’s akin to unconstitutional “red-flag” laws that allow the government to confiscate weapons because of possibly baseless accusations, then make the gun owner go to court and prove they deserve to have their firearms returned.

Speaking of such laws, Powers also said the VA would oppose a forthcoming bill that would bar the VA from joining in support of “red-flag” laws, also called extreme risk protective orders (ERPOs). Powers said that legislation “places the security and safety of veterans their families and communities at risk and ultimately prevents VA from providing appropriate care for some of our most vulnerable veterans.”

Of course, the VA undersecretary’s declaration that the agency would not follow a law if legally passed by Congress didn’t set well with supporters in the House, including Rep. Matt Rosendale, R-Montana.

“Well, I’m glad everybody hears that on the record—that the VA is going to refuse to comply regardless of what we actually pass here,” Rep. Rosendale said.