Categories
A Victory! All About Guns

the restoration of federal firearm rights. by John Crump

Handgun beside a constitutional parchment, fingerprint application, and broken chain outside a federal courthouse, symbolizing the restoration of firearm rights.
federal firearm-rights restoration process is reopening after more than three decades, but the Second Amendment remains a constitutional right—not a government-issued privilege. AI-generated illustration by AmmoLand News.

United States Attorney General Todd Blanche finalized a federal regulation governing the restoration of federal firearm rights. The new process allows eligible individuals who are prohibited from possessing firearms to apply to have those rights restored.

“The Second Amendment is not a second-class right, and the federal government should not permanently deprive Americans of a constitutional right without regard to whether they pose a danger to public safety,” said Attorney General Todd Blanche. “This rule establishes a rigorous, common-sense process that protects the public while giving deserving Americans a real path to restoration.”

The signed rule has been transmitted to the Federal Register. DOJ cautions that the currently available text is unofficial until formally published.

A Restoration Process Congress Left Dormant for Decades

Section 922(g) prohibits certain categories of people (e.g., felons, domestic violence misdemeanants, unlawful drug users, fugitives, certain aliens, those under domestic violence restraining orders, etc.) from shipping, transporting, possessing, or receiving firearms or ammunition in or affecting commerce.

Section 925(c), however, has long authorized the Attorney General to grant relief if the applicant shows they “will not be likely to act in a manner dangerous to public safety” and that granting relief “would not be contrary to the public interest.”

The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) previously administered this process by delegation. Still, Congress defunded it via appropriations riders starting in 1992, rendering the program inoperative for over 30 years.

In March 2025, DOJ issued an interim final rule withdrawing the ATF delegation. In July 2025, it published a notice of proposed rulemaking with detailed criteria. After receiving over 15,500 comments (roughly 91% supportive of restoring a workable process), the United States Department of Justice (DOJ) finalized the rule.

The program will now be operated through the Office of the Pardon Attorney rather than ATF, although the Attorney General retains the ultimate decision-making authority.

When Will Applications Open?

The rule becomes effective 30 days after publication in the Federal Register, but DOJ plans to roll out the application process in stages.

According to the Department’s current Federal Firearm Rights Restoration website:

  • Thirty days after publication, DOJ will begin inviting candidates to apply.
  • Seventy-five days after publication, the application will open to the public, beginning with the first 5,000 applicants.
  • At 120 days, DOJ will accept another 500 applicants and begin collecting the application fee.

The Department directs prospective applicants to justice.gov/ffrr for updated eligibility information, application instructions, and the eventual online application.

Who Will Be Presumptively Disqualified?

According to the DOJ, the rule aims to protect Second Amendment rights while ensuring public safety. Relief is discretionary and guided by statutory standards.

Several offenses are presumptively permanent disqualifications. These include violent felonies (homicide, kidnapping, terrorism, stalking, and other crimes of violence), convictions involving brandishing or discharging a firearm, sex offenses requiring registration under SORNA that also trigger a § 922(g) prohibition, and felony-level domestic violence.

There will also be other time-limited presumptive disqualifications, including drug trafficking convictions or misdemeanor domestic violence: at least 10 years after completing the sentence (including probation/supervised release), and other felony convictions: at least 5 years after completing the sentence.

Other statuses that are presumptively ineligible are being a fugitive from justice (§ 922(g)(2)), unlawfully present aliens or certain nonimmigrants (§ 922(g)(5)), and persons subject to qualifying domestic violence restraining orders (§ 922(g)(8)).

The final presumptively ineligible status is being an unlawful user of or addicted to controlled substances (§ 922(g)(3)) — until the pattern of use ends. That final category seems to be at odds with the United States Supreme Court’s unanimous decision in Hemani. Still, the DOJ does not believe it is at odds because the Hemani opinion was narrow.

What the Supreme Court Held in Hemani

The Supreme Court held that the federal government could not prosecute Ali Hemani under 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(3) based solely on evidence that he regularly used marijuana while possessing a gun in his home. The government did not allege that Hemani was addicted, intoxicated when he possessed the firearm, incapable of managing his affairs, or dangerous to himself or others. Nor did it claim that he had misused the gun.

The Court rejected the government’s attempt to treat anyone who regularly used any amount of a controlled substance as categorically dangerous. Historical laws dealing with intoxication and “habitual drunkards” targeted different conduct, operated differently, and generally required more than the mere regular use of an intoxicating substance.

The Supreme Court nevertheless described its decision as narrow. It did not decide whether the government may disarm people who are addicted or presently intoxicated. It also did not decide whether § 922(g)(3) could be applied when the government presents individualized proof that a person’s drug use makes him dangerous—or proof that a particular drug always renders its users dangerous. The Court expressly declined to pass on those questions either way.

In short, mere regular marijuana use, without more, was insufficient to support the government’s automatic and categorical ban as applied to Hemani.

DOJ Creates a Marijuana Exception

In response to Hemani and the large number of public comments addressing marijuana, DOJ amended the final rule to create an important exception.

For purposes of the rule’s drug-related presumption, DOJ’s definition of “controlled substance” does not include marijuana. As a result, unlawful use of or addiction to marijuana alone does not trigger the same presumption of ineligibility that applies to users or addicts of other controlled substances. The Department also removed proposed requirements that applicants and their character references affirm that the applicant does not use or is not addicted to marijuana.

DOJ acknowledges that excluding marijuana addicts, not merely marijuana users, goes beyond the facts presented in Hemani. The Department says distinguishing a marijuana “user” from a marijuana “addict” would require a highly fact-specific inquiry that could undermine the administrability of the restoration process.

That does not mean marijuana use automatically restores anyone’s firearm rights or removes a federal disability under 922(g)(3). The statute remains on the books, and the relief process itself remains discretionary.

Instead, an applicant whose only drug-related issue involves marijuana may apply without facing the rule’s extraordinary-circumstances presumption. DOJ may still consider the applicant’s marijuana use and other individual circumstances when deciding whether restoration would be consistent with public safety and the public interest.

For controlled substances other than marijuana, the presumption remains. Someone who continues to qualify as an unlawful user or addict will generally be denied absent extraordinary circumstances. Because that disability is status-based, an individual may ordinarily remove himself from the prohibited category by ending the unlawful conduct and breaking the pattern of ongoing use.

What Applicants Must Submit

An applicant must complete the required form and disclose all federal firearm disabilities for which relief is requested. Required materials may include:

  • Electronic fingerprints or properly completed fingerprint cards.
  • Certified or otherwise reliable court records.
  • Charging documents, judgments, plea agreements, and presentence reports.
  • Proof that every requirement of the sentence has been completed.
  • State criminal-history records for each jurisdiction in which the applicant has lived or been arrested during the applicable period.
  • Relevant military, mental-health, domestic violence, citizenship-renunciation, or foreign records.
  • Affidavits from three qualified character references.
  • Authorization for DOJ to obtain additional background information.

The final rule shifts responsibility for local law-enforcement notification to DOJ. The Department will notify the appropriate chief law-enforcement officer for the locality where the applicant resides and allow that agency to submit information supporting or opposing restoration.

The application fee is $30 once the fee stage begins, up from the proposed $20. DOJ will periodically review the fee and conduct an audit after the program has operated long enough to produce reliable cost information. Applicants may request a fee waiver or reduction, including for economic hardship.

How DOJ Will Decide Who Gets Relief

The Attorney General may consider the applicant’s entire record, including criminal history, dismissed charges associated with a plea agreement, conduct while incarcerated or under supervision, time since completion of the sentence, rehabilitation, threats, restraining orders, drug use, mental health, character references, and information supplied by local law enforcement.

Significantly, the final rule also allows the Attorney General to consider whether denying relief under an applicant’s individual circumstances would infringe the applicant’s Second Amendment rights.

If relief is granted, DOJ will publish notice of the decision and the reasons for it in the Federal Register. Any restoration applies only to the federal disability addressed in the application. It does not erase independent state or tribal firearm prohibitions, and it does not protect an individual from a new disability arising from later conduct.

An applicant denied relief may petition the United States District Court for the district in which he resides for judicial review.

Categories
All About Guns Cops You have to be kidding, right!?!

Taylor D. Rhodes: Flock cameras are quietly tracking Alabama gun owners

On any given Saturday in Alabama, a man can leave his driveway, gas up, run by the gun shop for ammo, shoot all morning at the range, and be home for lunch. He hasn’t broken any law or bothered a soul. And in more of our towns than you’d guess, a camera on a pole photographed his truck at every stop and filed it in a searchable database owned by a private company in Atlanta.

The company is Flock Safety, and it runs the largest mass surveillance network in American history, with more than 100,000 cameras by its own count. But don’t be confused; these aren’t run-of-the-mill red light cameras. Every Flock camera photographs every vehicle that passes by, around the clock, whether anyone suspects a crime or not.

And the record contains far more than your tag number. Each image becomes a searchable record containing the plate, time, location, direction of travel, make, color, body type, and other identifying features. Flock calls this part of their system the “Vehicle Fingerprint,” and their own materials advertise the ability to conduct searches using unique vehicle details, including bumper stickers and decals. That matters in Alabama. A Gadsden flag, Glock sticker, BamaCarry decal, or other Second Amendment message on the back of a truck is not just something another driver sees at a red light. It’s now a searchable data point tied to that vehicle, the owner, and your movement.

These cameras came into Alabama the way kudzu did: quietly, then… boom, everywhere.

Birmingham’s city council approved a $9.7 million contract last July for more cameras citywide. Huntsville has run more than a hundred since 2019 and shares into a national pool; Madison, Decatur, Moody, Springville, and retail parking lots have them too. The Alabama Gazette reported that Alabama Power was marketing Flock systems to cities, bundled with utility poles and streetlights, some of which I have noticed just outside my neighborhood.

But here is the craziest part: most of it arrived by consent agenda and contract renewal. The Legislature never voted on a statewide surveillance network. Yet ALEA’s administrative rules let plate reader data sit for five years, the longest of any state, per a 2026 legislative survey, and require every read to feed a statewide registry once ALEA stands it up.

That should stop every gun owner in their tracks. Alabama law, through Act 2024-232, prohibits the government from keeping a list or registry of privately owned firearms or their owners. Gun owners fought hard to secure that protection. Yet today, Flock has effectively created a searchable, five-year archive showing which vehicles with Second Amendment decals park at gun stores on Fridays, attend gun shows, or regularly visit shooting ranges. It may be built from “license plate photos” instead of firearm records, but for all practical purposes, it’s a hard registry of gun owners.

Nobody in any police department has to sit down and build that list, because Flock’s built-in artificial intelligence builds it for them. The software reads every photo, determines what your truck is, tags every sticker and decal, and logs the time and place, 20 billion scans a month, according to the company’s own marketing. Its analytics even flag vehicles that keep showing up together as likely associates. By the time an officer pulls up a chair, the sorting is already done. All anybody with a login has to do is check.

As of today, there are a lot of logins. Roughly 5,000 law enforcement agencies use Flock, and most share their feeds into a national pool. A single lookup can sweep nearly every camera in America at once. No warrant. No judge. Just a few words in a reason box and the Enter key.

This isn’t hypothetical, and we’re not guessing about how this gets used. For example, just last year, a Texas deputy went on the hunt for a woman who had an abortion. One search, roughly 83,000 cameras, 6,809 networks, some as far away as Washington State. The sheriff called it a missing person case until a sworn affidavit surfaced. Whatever you make of that issue, look at the trail: one officer, one computer, enforcing his own state’s law inside somebody else’s. Now hand that computer to an Illinois task force with a magazine ban or a so-called “assault weapons” ban to enforce, and the same play runs against an Alabamian who drove north with a truck bed full of legally owned property.

If you think the feds would never point this at gun owners, they tried it before with far weaker tools. The Wall Street Journal reported that Barack Obama’s Justice Department drew up plans in 2010 to run plate readers at Southern California gun shows – all using far less superior technology than what we have now. An ACLU records request from the same era turned up a DEA email describing joint work with ATF on the same idea. The DEA said nothing ever came of it. Sixteen years later, the network those agents could only sketch is real, nationwide, and off-the-shelf. And it reads now far more than just a one-time ping at a local intersection.

The misuse has already come home. In the last few weeks, Moody’s police department fired a sergeant for using Flock to track a woman he was interested in, and a Springville officer resigned over using it to follow a family member. Both cases landed at ALEA in the same news cycle. The safeguards everybody promised were in place the whole time.

Courts are starting to catch up. In Carpenter v. United States, the Supreme Court held that pulling someone’s historical cell phone location records is a search requiring a warrant. This June, in Chatrie v. United States, it said the same about location history held in a tech company’s database, even over a limited period. A lawsuit over Norfolk, Virginia’s cameras, now before the Fourth Circuit, will test whether that logic reaches plate readers. No court has struck these networks down yet, and I won’t pretend otherwise. But the political winds have shifted, and Alabama should seize the opportunity while the wind is at our backs.

Whenever this issue comes up, somebody inevitably says, “If you have nothing to hide, you have nothing to fear.” Tell that to the Arkansas couple who were ordered out of their car at gunpoint this February, with their six-week-old baby in the back seat, because a license plate reader misread a single digit. The Institute for Justice has documented numerous mistaken traffic stops caused by fixed plate readers since 2018, and in nearly two-thirds of those cases, officers drew or pointed their firearms at the mistaken culprits. Now imagine a law-abiding Alabama concealed carrier caught in the same AI-generated felony stop. That’s how innocent people get killed.

The older constitutional answer holds, too. General warrants would have solved plenty of crimes, and the founders banned them anyway. Rights were never meant to run on the honor system of 5,000 agencies’ worth of password holders.

This worry isn’t fringe, and it isn’t only ours. The ACLU and the Electronic Frontier Foundation have raised the same alarm from the left; dozens of communities, red and blue, have canceled Flock contracts, and Congressman Tim Burchett, a Tennessee Republican, filed a bill in July to keep federal agencies off these networks. When a radical leftist organization like the ACLU and a hard-nosed conservative like Tim Burchett make the same argument, it deserves all of the public’s attention.

Here is the ask. Show up at your city council and county commission meetings and ask, on the record, how many cameras your town runs, who can search the data, and how long it’s kept. Then call and email your state legislators and tell them the fix is not a tweak or a task force; it is a ban: a state law taking a hacksaw to these cameras, preempting them in every city and county. And until Montgomery acts, press your own county and town to drop the contract and take the cameras down now.

BamaCarry and the National Association for Gun Rights intend to fight this tooth and nail, from council chambers to the State House floor, and we will keep track of who stood where. We’d love to have you fighting alongside us.

Alabama has already decided that the government doesn’t get a list of its gun owners. It’s time Montgomery made it stick.

Taylor D. Rhodes is Executive Vice President of BamaCarry and Executive Director of the National Association for Gun Rights. A Southern Miss and Liberty University graduate, he has spent nearly a decade in the fight for gun rights. He and his family live in Hoover, Ala., and are members of Hunter Street Baptist Church.

Categories
Well I thought it was funny! You have to be kidding, right!?!

Donald Trump Recruits Rambo To End The Iran War

https://youtu.be/bTkA16W_BcQ

Categories
All About Guns You have to be kidding, right!?!

10 Most Expensive Guns Ever Sold At Auction

Categories
All About Guns Ammo Some Scary thoughts You have to be kidding, right!?!

How to Kill a Robot Dog By Will Dabbs, MD

We live in the most amazing times. Someday soon when we are all living in caves wearing animal skins picking parasites off of each other, our children will ask why we no longer have cool stuff like the internet, running water, electricity, and food. When that time inevitably comes, you can at least tell your kids that you saw it coming.

The Terminator was Actually a Documentary

The people who work on artificial intelligence cannot cogently articulate exactly how AI works. The days of some computer geek settling in behind a keyboard to bang out code are gone never to return. Nowadays, computer programmers get their computers to write their computer code. It seems inevitable that those computers will eventually wise up and decide to cut out the middle man.

Unless you want to end up paying taxes to your microwave, it behooves us all to do a little sensible preparation. Chief among those post-apocalyptic chores is figuring out how to kill a robot dog. It’s not intuitive.

Know Your Enemy

Just in case you’ve been living underneath a bridge someplace, Google “scary robot dog” and get ready to have your world rocked. If you have an operational credit card, $9,420 will get you a flame-throwing robot dog over the Internet from ThrowFlame.com. The Unitree Go2 robot dog is only two grand. Uncle Sam has militarized versions sporting advanced sensors, thermal imagers, and machine guns. It just seems inevitable that we will someday go to war with these things.

For starters, the militarized versions are quite often armored. However, like tanks, extra armor means extra weight which means decreased agility. Such stuff is the perennial tactical tradeoff. With the right ammo, your typical defensive rifle should be up to the task, presuming you know where to shoot.

U.S. Air Force Tech. Sgt. Johnny Rodriguez, 321st Contingency Response Squadron force protection craftsman and lead defender for the CR team, walks with the robot dog during an agile combat employment exercise Sept. 3, 2020, at Nellis Air Force Base, Nevada. The robot dog is an experimental technology with the intent of aiding defenders in securing an airfield and is part of the Advance Battle Management System, which is being tested during the ACE exercise.

Feeding the Beast

GI green-tip M855 5.56mm ammunition incorporates a small tungsten penetrator into the bullet to offer better performance through light cover. It’s not armor-piercing per se, but it will still penetrate 3mm of mild steel at 600 meters. It’s even better up close. Think car doors and the like. That is likely adequate to deal with your typical robot dog.

I keep two PMags loaded with M855 next to my primary defensive rifle at the house. It doesn’t sport a label that says, “For use against armored robot dogs” or anything. However, yeah, it’s for use against armored robot dogs.

Mechanical Anatomy

It is tempting to concentrate on the head of the robot dog. However, robot dogs are anthropomorphically different from real dogs or carbon-based animals of any sort, for that matter. The head is just sensors. That’s not where the beast thinks.

It’s not unreasonable to shoot for its legs. In tank parlance, this would be called a mobility kill. The thing might remain prickly, and it may yet still be relaying vital tactical information back to your doorbell camera or your dishwasher or whatever else is coordinating everything. However, shoot one of its legs off, and at least it won’t be chasing after you with quite so much enthusiasm.

The Vitals

Heat is the mortal enemy of computers everywhere. As a result, the CPU for a robot dog is most commonly carried inside the main upper electronics bay underneath the top shell. They often include mechanical heat sinks or cooling fans. The CPU will be protected by the main chassis cover and may be armored. It makes for a small target, but putting a round through the mother board is going to reliably take that robot dog out of the fight.

The other sweet spot is the battery. Most robot dogs use lithium-ion, lithium polymer, or lithium iron phosphate rechargeable batteries. Older toy-grade mechanical hounds might incorporate nickel-metal hydride batteries, but these are not the machines that are going to be trying to get all up into your business.

The Achilles Heel

The common thread to robot dog batteries is lithium. Lithium is a soft, slivery-white alkali metal. It is, in fact, the lightest of all metallic elements. However, like all alkali metals, lithium is both highly reactive and flammable. As a result, pure lithium, like its legendarily malevolent cousin sodium, must be stored in a vacuum, an inert atmosphere, or within a liquid like purified kerosene. Expose that stuff to water or even wet air, and it is going to get all conflagrated.

Pass a bullet through the battery, and your robot dog will most likely incinerate itself right sharpish. You will find the battery on most robot dogs in a secure slot in the bottom or rear part of the torso. The battery assembly is fairly heavy, so it is usually stored low in the chassis to improve stability.

Ruminations

So, there you have it. When you inevitably have to defend your home and family from a weaponized AI-driven robot dog, don’t waste your time shooting it in the head. That will likely just make it angry. Concentrate your fire on the center of mass either toward the top focusing on the CPU or at the bottom to rupture the battery. Or just blow its legs off. Connect with any of that stuff, and humanity gets to live another day.

All this seems silly right up until it’s not. Knowing how to efficiently kill a robot dog may someday be something we teach little kids in school, presuming our evil mechanical overlords still allow us to have schools. It’s a brave new world, and luck always favors the prepared.

Categories
You have to be kidding, right!?!

Göring’s Hero Nephew – Mercenary in Ethiopia, Finland & Biafra

Categories
The Green Machine You have to be kidding, right!?!

And the Platoon Guide and the 1st Sgt and the Plt. Leader and the Company XO etc etc!

Categories
All About Guns War You have to be kidding, right!?!

10 WWII Aircraft Their Own Country Never Understood

Categories
All About Guns Anti Civil Rights ideas & "Friends" Paint me surprised by this You have to be kidding, right!?!

Connecticut gun dealers forced to suffer yet another no-sales day Legal action may be necessary, they say. Lee Williams

by Lee Williams

Saturday was supposed to be a big sales day for Lock N’ Load Firearms, which is located in Southington, Connecticut. The gun shop has two major sales each year, and Saturday was its “Customer Appreciation Day.” The store spent a lot on advertising the event and on party goods. Several vendors came out for the sale.

The fun ended around 11:40 a.m., when the state’s computer system went down, and it stayed down throughout most of the day.

Josh, who works at the gun shop, estimates they lost thousands of dollars.

“Guns aren’t $200 or $300 anymore. They cost $600 or $800,” he said. “To set up an event like that, all the advertising, and then to not be able to sell firearms definitely hurt us. But here, it happens all of the time.”

The State of Connecticut does not allow gun dealers to run their own NICS computer checks. It insists on running the checks for them, as well as a half-dozen other state checks.

Josh said the state’s computer shutdowns are becoming far too common.

“I don’t know how to hold the state accountable,” he said. “I hate to think that a lawsuit is the answer, but that’s where we are at. We can’t flip the state reps and senators to get more fair representation at the state capitol.”

Matt, who works at The Gun Store in Waterbury, Connecticut, said the state’s computer shutdowns have become “random but consistent.”

“You can expect to go down every couple of days,” Matt said. “It’s more than I’ve ever experience in the past 20 years. I’m not saying that the State of Connecticut is intentionally doing it, but it’s been consistent enough lately.

 

If only they used NICS and circumvented all the other six or seven checks they use. The problem is that the state legislature added all these checks. It’s created massive amounts of confusion.”

Common names, he said, like “John Smith” have become a serious issue for the state’s computer systems, which lack the clarity of a NICS Unique Personal Identification Number or UPIN, which gun owners can apply for.

“If they have a NICS UPIN, you find out quickly that it’s not the ‘John Smith’ wanted for murder in Idaho,” he said.

At Central Connecticut Arms in Portland, Connecticut, staffer Ronnie said the shop lost thousands of dollars.

“We couldn’t sell any firearms. It was not a very good day,” he said. “Some customers put their purchases on layaway, which helped.”

The state had another major shutdown just a few weeks ago, Ronnie said.

“We were down for three days. They don’t explain when it’s going to be back up,” he said. “We just sit around here hoping it will be back up soon. It’s a major pain in the ass, man.”

Holly Sullivan

Holly Sullivan is president of the Connecticut Citizens Defense League and serves on the board of the Citizens Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Arms.

She said there is growing speculation on whether the shutdown was an effort to prevent state residents from purchasing firearms.

“Unlike other states, FFLs are not allowed to use the NICS system themselves. The State of Connecticut acts as a middleman between the FFLs and the NICS system,” she said.

 

“The state does NICS and state-level checks. Usually, if there’s an IT issue, every FFL gets an email. None were sent on Saturday. This ‘breakdown’ was unusual. Generally, the state will say it’s an IT issue, but they didn’t do that this time.”

Hundreds of Connecticut gun shops were affected, she said.

“This is a symptom of a much larger problem,” she said. “The state wants to control us, but they’re not adequately doing their job. They don’t trust FFLs to do their job. People are denied their Constitutional rights. Let’s say if someone works offshore, it could be months before they get this opportunity again. And besides, Saturday at noon is prime time to buy guns!”

The state has an extreme anti-gun history, Sullivan explained.

“Attorney General William Tong—his hobby is being anti-gun,” she said. “Every legislative session, every anti-gun bill was proposed by Tong. And then he’d bring in his Mom’s Demand action crew. It’s an ongoing problem. Dealers lost a lot of money.”

Neither Connecticut Attorney General Tong nor Connecticut Department of Emergency Services and Public Protection commissioner Ronnell A. Higgins, whose office is responsible for conducting the background checks, returned calls seeking their comments for this story.

The Second Amendment Foundation’s Investigative Journalism Project wouldn’t be possible without you. Click here to make a tax-deductible donation to support pro-gun stories like this.

Categories
All About Guns California You have to be kidding, right!?!

CA: 5 Bad Gun Measures Head For Floor Votes by Mark Chesnut

We reported last month that several anti-gun measures that were still under consideration as California’s legislative session closed remained on track to be considered when lawmakers reconvened on August 3.

Five bad bills clear appropriations — now on to the floor

Now, five of those measures have, indeed, been passed in committee and are eligible for floor votes in the state Senate and Assembly.

According to a legislative update by the National Rifle Association’s Institute for Legislative Action, three bad Assembly bills were passed by the Senate Appropriations Committee and are now eligible for a vote on the Senate floor.

AB 1743 expands the database that leaked CCW holder data in 2022

Assembly Bill 1743 expands the state’s firearm owner data-sharing framework by increasing access to information maintained in California’s Automated Firearms System and related databases.

AB 1753 expands red flag laws under the guise of “clarification”

AB 1753 “clarifies” California’s Gun Violence Restraining Order (GVRO) violation framework by explicitly subjecting ammunition possession to the same hearing and enforcement procedures currently applied to firearms.

“Red flag laws have repeatedly stripped law-abiding citizens of their Second Amendment rights while undermining basic due process protections,” NRA-ILA wrote. “Existing red flag laws in California should not be expanded under the guise of ‘clarification,’ but repealed.”

AB 2047 goes after 3D printers — the same play as New York’s Hochul law

Finally, AB 2047 targets 3-dimensional printers by restricting their sale or transfer unless equipped with so-called “firearm blueprint detection algorithms.”

“The bill represents a broad attack on lawful technology and raises concerns about free speech, innovation and the rights of law-abiding Californians,” NRA-ILA reported. “These concerns are not just realized by firearm owners, but tens of thousands of STEM educators and technology professionals.”